web analytics
a

Facebook

Twitter

Copyright 2015 Libero Themes.
All Rights Reserved.

8:30 - 6:00

Our Office Hours Mon. - Fri.

703-406-7616

Call For Free 15/M Consultation

Facebook

Twitter

Search
Menu

The local elections revisited: an analysis of results in the North East

Our series continues on the impact of the local elections on the political parties in different regions. This week we look at the North East. In some ways this is a relatively straightforward region as it is made up of unitary authorities. No elections were held in Durham Council or Northumberland Council (apart from a couple of by-elections).

These unitary authorities have all their seats contested:

  • Darlington
  • Middlesbrough
  • Redcar and Cleveland
  • Stockton

In these councils a third of the seats were up for election

  • Gateshead
  • Hartlepool
  • Newcastle-upon-Tyne
  • North Tyneside
  • South Tyneside
  • Sunderland

There was also a Mayoral contest in Middlesbrough and another for the North of Tyne Combined Authority.

The fortunes of the parties in this region were quite different to elsewhere in the country.

Conservatives

Teesside is not natural Conservative territory. Yet dispute setbacks elsewhere the Conservatives made some gains in the North East. Rather than positive enthusiasm this is likely to be due to the Labour vote falling. National factors have already been widely considered. Many working class voters who traditionally vote Labour also voted Leave in the EU referendum are dismayed at the Labour Party’s contribution to preventing that result being honoured. However, in Darlington the Conservatives believe there were local factors in their success with a net gain of five seats – as Cllr Jamie Bartch described on this site on Monday. Labour lost control and the Council now has a minority Conservative administration. It is the first time it has been Conservative led for 40 years.

In Stockton the Conservatives gained a seat but it was the independents who had the most to celebrate. The Thornaby Independent Association did well – with an anti Stockton message and a focus on local heritage and civic pride. Good for them fighting their corner – but their fierce tribalism may might coalition arrangements with non-Thornaby elements problematic. Two Conservative councillors for Fairfield Ward who were deselected won as independents.

Elsewhere the Conservatives gained four seats in Sunderland. In Middlesbrough the Conservatives lost a seat but picked up a seat in North Tyneside. I’m afraid Gateshead, Newcastle-upon-Tyne and South Tyneside remain Conservative free zones.

Labour

This was the region which drove the main surprise of this year’s election; the significant Labour retreat. The main news was big switch from Labour to independents. Middlesbrough saw Labour lose the position of directly elected Mayor – by a wide margin– to an independent. They also lost 14 council seats to independents. the new Mayor is a property dealer called Andy Preston. He used to be a member of the Labour Party. I suppose he will have picked up votes from Labour Brexiteers – though if he did there is some irony in him having been involved in the Britain Stronger In campaign during the referendum. He also has an impressive record of helping local charities. His policies include greater transparency of town hall decision making and public orchards.

As noted above Labour also lost Darlington and Stockton. Redcar and Cleveland was already under no overall control. But Labour made big losses to independents. The upshot has been that a minority Labour administration has been replaced by a coalition of independent and Lib Dem councillors.

True Labour won the Mayoralty for the North of Tyne Combined Authority, despite an awful Corbynista candidate, Jamie Driscoll. But Labour’s margin of victory – 76,862  to 60,089 for the Conservative candidate Charlie Hoult – was relatively small given the territory it covered.

Lib Dems

Ten years ago the Lib Dems had control of Newcastle City Council. Labour have a big majority there now, although the Lib Dems did pick up a seat. In Redcar and Cleveland the Lib Dems picked up a couple of seats, as they did in Gateshead. In Sunderland, they made four gains. They avoided talking about Brexit there but ran a pretty aggressive campaign against Labour’s wasteful spending, including on councillor allowances and expenses. So a general Lib Dem advance but more modest than what was seen in the rest of the country.

Conclusion

Labour can no longer take working class votes for granted. That trend would be taking place anyway. But it has been accelerated by their choice of an unpatriotic leader from Islington. It has also been made worse by effectively ditching its pledge to support Brexit. In some places, such as London, that has been offset with an increase in support for Labour among younger middle class voters. But these local elections in the North East show that many traditional Labour supporters feel abandoned by the Labour Party and that an increasing number of them are returning the favour.

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

Mayor Pete vs Spartacus: Buttigieg rises as Booker fades

Westlake Legal Group Buttigieg Mayor Pete vs Spartacus: Buttigieg rises as Booker fades The Blog Pete Buttigieg Mayors democrats Cory Booker 2020 Democrat primaries

Why is Pete Buttigieg getting all the attention while Cory Booker continues to slide in the polls? The two candidates have some mayoral experience to tout, as well as similar resumes, yet it is the guy from nowhere who is winning the attention of the media. Booker’s supporters are none too pleased.

Mayor Pete is a small city mayor in the midwest. Cory Booker was the Mayor of Newark before winning his Senate seat. Both men are on the younger end of the candidate a roster (Buttigieg is 37 years old, Booker is a youngish 50) that is topped by two septuagenarians. Each is a former Rhodes Scholar. Yet, it is Pete Buttigieg who is getting all the media attention.

Booker supporters are beginning to question the fairness of it all as if fairness has relevance in politics. It just sounds whiny but here we are. Is the media giving Buttigieg a boost as they did with Donald Trump in 2016? I think it’s clear that Buttigieg is still riding a flavor-of-the-month wave but he’s still not risen to the number one or number two spot in the polls, which Trump did rather quickly in 2016.

“I guess I’m a little gun-shy because I remember what happened four years ago when all of the attention was based on this guy from New York who happened to be a billionaire by the name of Donald Trump,” said state Rep. Jerry Govan, a senior legislator who serves as chairman of the South Carolina Legislative Black Caucus.

“Nobody controls who the media covers but the media,” he continued. “It’s important for them to get it right this time. If folks got a good message, that message deserves to be covered. I think the American people deserve the opportunity to hear the truth, to have a clear understanding of where people stand on the issues that they care about, and the media’s the only entity that can do that, and that’s its job.”

It’s a legitimate concern. The favoritism that was shown to Donald Trump in 2016 on cable news shows, in particular, allowed him to rise and remain at the top of that huge field of candidates. All Trump had to do was phone-in to a cable show and he was put on the air. He didn’t even have to go into the network’s studio. Mayor Pete doesn’t quite have that kind of advantage but he is benefitting from excessive coverage. Much like Trump, Buttigieg knows how to find a topic and go with the publicity. In Buttigieg’s case, he concocted a feud between himself and Vice-President Pence where none existed.

“I think Cory is just as accomplished,” said a senior Democrat in South Carolina, who requested anonymity to speak candidly about the subject. “And I’ve heard grumblings from a number of people [who have asked], ‘Why hasn’t he gotten that type of exposure?’”

Here’s the thing, though. The Democrats, the party of identity politics, have several candidates who would be “historic” picks if chosen as the party’s nominee. If chosen and elected, Booker would be the first former Mayor to be elected President but not the first black man. Julian Castro would be the first Hispanic. Mayor Pete is capitalizing on his sexuality and that, I think, is making the difference. Not to put too fine of a point on it but we’ve already had a black man from the U.S. Senate who won the presidency. America hasn’t had an openly gay president.

It must be causing second thoughts of other Democrats who are or were mayors. What if Mitch Landrieu (New Orleans) or Eric Garcetti (Los Angeles), both touted as rising stars at one time or the other in Democrat politics had decided to run? You have to assume that both are asking themselves that question now. Buttigieg is more than a mayor, though.

“He’s not carrying the flag for mayors,” said Rebecca Katz, a progressive consultant who advised Cynthia Nixon in her primary campaign against New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo last year. “Mayor is part of his qualification, [but] he’s running as a millennial, he’s running as a veteran, he’s running a historic candidacy as the first LGBTQ candidate. So there’s a lot of things that make Buttigieg special.”

Still, she said, “I think when mayors, when other elected officials look at his actual qualifications, it’s easy to see how they could look in the mirror and say, ‘Why not me?’”

To add to the Buttigieg story, he’s picking up some top campaign people. Wednesday it was announced that Obama’s former ad-maker and his firm has signed on to Mayor Pete’s campaign. Larry Grisolano is credited with helping Obama rise to the top in 2008. He’s also an alum of Joe Biden’s 1988 presidential campaign.

Larry Grisolano and John Del Cecato of AKPD Message and Media, are joining Buttigieg’s team, Grisolano confirmed to POLITICO on Wednesday.

The South Bend, Ind., mayor’s presidential campaign is also bringing on Tyler Law, a former Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee national press secretary who handles communications strategy for AKPD, and pollster Katie Connolly of Benenson Strategy Group.

Grisolano, who also worked on Joe Biden’s 1988 presidential campaign and was the director of paid media for Obama’s presidential efforts, said he had talked to numerous campaigns about the coming presidential election before settling on Buttigieg.

“I thought about a number of candidates. This is the one that ended up feeling like a right fit for the firm and a sense of what the country is looking for and what we need,” Grisolano said.

Meanwhile, polls show that Buttigieg has staying power in the top tier of candidates, though everyone is far behind Joe Biden at this point. Real Clear Politics shows him at 6.8% nationwide and Cory Booker is stuck at the bottom with 2.3%. The question remains as it has been from the beginning. Can anyone knock Joe Biden out of the top position?

The post Mayor Pete vs Spartacus: Buttigieg rises as Booker fades appeared first on Hot Air.

Westlake Legal Group Buttigieg-300x153 Mayor Pete vs Spartacus: Buttigieg rises as Booker fades The Blog Pete Buttigieg Mayors democrats Cory Booker 2020 Democrat primaries   Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

Mayor Pete vs Spartacus: Buttigieg rises as Booker fades

Westlake Legal Group Buttigieg Mayor Pete vs Spartacus: Buttigieg rises as Booker fades The Blog Pete Buttigieg Mayors democrats Cory Booker 2020 Democrat primaries

Why is Pete Buttigieg getting all the attention while Cory Booker continues to slide in the polls? The two candidates have some mayoral experience to tout, as well as similar resumes, yet it is the guy from nowhere who is winning the attention of the media. Booker’s supporters are none too pleased.

Mayor Pete is a small city mayor in the midwest. Cory Booker was the Mayor of Newark before winning his Senate seat. Both men are on the younger end of the candidate a roster (Buttigieg is 37 years old, Booker is a youngish 50) that is topped by two septuagenarians. Each is a former Rhodes Scholar. Yet, it is Pete Buttigieg who is getting all the media attention.

Booker supporters are beginning to question the fairness of it all as if fairness has relevance in politics. It just sounds whiny but here we are. Is the media giving Buttigieg a boost as they did with Donald Trump in 2016? I think it’s clear that Buttigieg is still riding a flavor-of-the-month wave but he’s still not risen to the number one or number two spot in the polls, which Trump did rather quickly in 2016.

“I guess I’m a little gun-shy because I remember what happened four years ago when all of the attention was based on this guy from New York who happened to be a billionaire by the name of Donald Trump,” said state Rep. Jerry Govan, a senior legislator who serves as chairman of the South Carolina Legislative Black Caucus.

“Nobody controls who the media covers but the media,” he continued. “It’s important for them to get it right this time. If folks got a good message, that message deserves to be covered. I think the American people deserve the opportunity to hear the truth, to have a clear understanding of where people stand on the issues that they care about, and the media’s the only entity that can do that, and that’s its job.”

It’s a legitimate concern. The favoritism that was shown to Donald Trump in 2016 on cable news shows, in particular, allowed him to rise and remain at the top of that huge field of candidates. All Trump had to do was phone-in to a cable show and he was put on the air. He didn’t even have to go into the network’s studio. Mayor Pete doesn’t quite have that kind of advantage but he is benefitting from excessive coverage. Much like Trump, Buttigieg knows how to find a topic and go with the publicity. In Buttigieg’s case, he concocted a feud between himself and Vice-President Pence where none existed.

“I think Cory is just as accomplished,” said a senior Democrat in South Carolina, who requested anonymity to speak candidly about the subject. “And I’ve heard grumblings from a number of people [who have asked], ‘Why hasn’t he gotten that type of exposure?’”

Here’s the thing, though. The Democrats, the party of identity politics, have several candidates who would be “historic” picks if chosen as the party’s nominee. If chosen and elected, Booker would be the first former Mayor to be elected President but not the first black man. Julian Castro would be the first Hispanic. Mayor Pete is capitalizing on his sexuality and that, I think, is making the difference. Not to put too fine of a point on it but we’ve already had a black man from the U.S. Senate who won the presidency. America hasn’t had an openly gay president.

It must be causing second thoughts of other Democrats who are or were mayors. What if Mitch Landrieu (New Orleans) or Eric Garcetti (Los Angeles), both touted as rising stars at one time or the other in Democrat politics had decided to run? You have to assume that both are asking themselves that question now. Buttigieg is more than a mayor, though.

“He’s not carrying the flag for mayors,” said Rebecca Katz, a progressive consultant who advised Cynthia Nixon in her primary campaign against New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo last year. “Mayor is part of his qualification, [but] he’s running as a millennial, he’s running as a veteran, he’s running a historic candidacy as the first LGBTQ candidate. So there’s a lot of things that make Buttigieg special.”

Still, she said, “I think when mayors, when other elected officials look at his actual qualifications, it’s easy to see how they could look in the mirror and say, ‘Why not me?’”

To add to the Buttigieg story, he’s picking up some top campaign people. Wednesday it was announced that Obama’s former ad-maker and his firm has signed on to Mayor Pete’s campaign. Larry Grisolano is credited with helping Obama rise to the top in 2008. He’s also an alum of Joe Biden’s 1988 presidential campaign.

Larry Grisolano and John Del Cecato of AKPD Message and Media, are joining Buttigieg’s team, Grisolano confirmed to POLITICO on Wednesday.

The South Bend, Ind., mayor’s presidential campaign is also bringing on Tyler Law, a former Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee national press secretary who handles communications strategy for AKPD, and pollster Katie Connolly of Benenson Strategy Group.

Grisolano, who also worked on Joe Biden’s 1988 presidential campaign and was the director of paid media for Obama’s presidential efforts, said he had talked to numerous campaigns about the coming presidential election before settling on Buttigieg.

“I thought about a number of candidates. This is the one that ended up feeling like a right fit for the firm and a sense of what the country is looking for and what we need,” Grisolano said.

Meanwhile, polls show that Buttigieg has staying power in the top tier of candidates, though everyone is far behind Joe Biden at this point. Real Clear Politics shows him at 6.8% nationwide and Cory Booker is stuck at the bottom with 2.3%. The question remains as it has been from the beginning. Can anyone knock Joe Biden out of the top position?

The post Mayor Pete vs Spartacus: Buttigieg rises as Booker fades appeared first on Hot Air.

Westlake Legal Group Buttigieg-300x153 Mayor Pete vs Spartacus: Buttigieg rises as Booker fades The Blog Pete Buttigieg Mayors democrats Cory Booker 2020 Democrat primaries   Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

Rachel Wolf: Not much changes when councils change hands. And voters know it.

Rachel Wolf is a partner in Public First. She was an education and innovation adviser at Number 10 during David Cameron’s premiership, and was founding director of the New Schools Network.

Soon, each prospective councillor across the country will know if they have persuaded voters to choose them as their representative. In the somewhat confusing patchwork of our local government, most but not all of the unitary councils are completely up for grabs, most but not all of the metropolitan boroughs are contesting one third of their seats, and a large number of district councils are also fighting it out.

I hope that hard working Conservative councillors and candidates are able to convince voters that – regardless of their view on national issues – they deserve to be elected. But what exactly are they being elected to?

Just before I left the Conservative Party to set up my education charity, the New Schools Network, in 2009, I was given one of the overnight shifts for local council elections. It was a fun night because we kept winning things. My job was to send out briefings to MPs, press people and others so they could play the expectations management game – ‘this is not only great, it’s much better than we could have possibly hoped for’ – that often seems the main purpose of any local elections.

But at no point did the conversation focus on what might change as a result of these victories. I wonder if that is because for most of us the answer is ‘not very much’.

Councillors can, of course, make a difference locally. But it’s also the case, as it has been for some time, that they can make much less of a difference than most of their Western counterparts – in Europe, in the US, or in Canada (where 50 per cent of revenue is raised locally compared with five per cent in the UK).

Their powers over crime, transport, education, and – crucially – the funding for those services – remain in most cases extremely limited. I spent some time working in New York for Joel Klein – Bloomberg’s famous schools chief who was able to control and reform all of New York’s schools (and did so very successfully). This is vastly more power and leverage than the London Mayor.

When the Conservative Party came into power in 2010 it promised to change this. It began one section of its manifesto with language that could have been written today (with Brexit exchanged for the MPs’ expenses scandal):

‘The events of recent months have revealed the size of the fissures in our political system. Millions of people in this country are at best detached from democracy, at worst angry and disillusioned. This endangers our ability to work together to solve our common problems. Just putting this down to the shocking revelations of the expenses scandal would be a great mistake. MPs’ expenses might have been the trigger for the public’s anger, but this political crisis is driven by a deeper sense of frustration – that people have too little control over the decisions that affect their daily lives.’

The Big Society agenda – which has since been dropped down a large hole – was supposed to be accompanied by elected mayors in 12 cities, and an increasingly vibrant local media (I’m not sure how we planned to achieve that).

Of course, every opposition is localist and every government is centralist. But it did look for some time as though the localism agenda was gaining momentum, particularly after George Osborne became a late convert (some would argue he starved local authorities of too many funds to be able to use any additional powers sensibly, others that the constraints have forced ingenuity and innovation in local government that was much needed).

The devolution process has always been a bit all over the place – perhaps suiting the already higgledy-piggledy nature of local government (and I do not have the space in this column to go through every new layer including LEPs and local industrial strategies). Bespoke deals based on individuals as much as areas were put in place with different powers and money attached to them.

In general, the responsibility has been less than the hype – Andy Street, the Mayor of the West Midlands, who is a deeply impressive Conservative, still has vastly less power than Birmingham council, which in turn has vastly less power than central government. The PCCs do not actually control the police– their lack of real power is possibly reflected in the tiny percentage of the electorate that can be bothered to vote for them. The money that Whitehall has supposedly devolved – such as adult education budgets – are slow to arrive and extremely small compared to the rest of education spending.

It also seems as if even recent progress has stalled. While the new mayor of North of Tyne is due to be elected today, experts I talked to see no new metro mayors anywhere on the Government’s depleted domestic policy agenda.

This is, presumably, yet another casualty of Brexit and also a reflection of the fact that our Prime Minister and Chancellor are more instinctively authoritarian than their predecessors. Whitehall never likes relinquishing control, and nor does this Prime Minister.

Does it matter? It’s obviously not as simple as ‘give people local control, and their dissatisfaction will disappear’. Trump’s election in the US and protests in France – both far more devolved countries – make clear that there’s no easy inverse correlation between devolution and populism. Nor do more powerful local governments necessarily perform better; poor policy and underwhelming administration are not the preserve of Whitehall.

But there is good evidence that devolved public services do a better job than big centralised ones. That doesn’t have to be to local authorities – schools have been substantially devolved below the local authority level and are performing increasingly well.

We also do a disservice to very talented administrators and politicians outside London and the South East who could – if allowed – make a substantial difference to their areas.

Finally, we miss the opportunity to discover what is effective by allowing areas to try policies. The charter school programme in America has improved consistently by seeing where different states have got it right and wrong – and those experiments in turn made it much easier for us to design good school reform here in the UK.

I wish Conservative candidates campaigning for these elections the best of luck. I also hope that in future they inherit a position that gives them the power to do more for their constituents.

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

Andy Street: Cleaning up pollution of the past to build the homes of tomorrow

Andy Street is Mayor of the West Midlands, and is a former Managing Director of John Lewis.

Housing is one the biggest challenges of the 21st Century. While Conservative policies continue to build a strong economy and create job opportunities, there is no doubt that, as a nation, we face a huge challenge in simply providing enough housing for our population. Over generations, we have failed to ensure that house building has kept pace our needs. Reversing this will be a key way in which the Conservative party can become attractive to younger voters for whom this is a critical issue.

Here in the West Midlands, by closely working with our constituent Local Authorities, we are leading the way in dealing with this challenge, and are seeing housebuilding rising substantially year on year.

This is being driven by our strong economic growth and sustained improvements in our transport infrastructure. But as we build the housing stock of the future, we are also addressing some of the residual problems of our industrial past, by repurposing contaminated land and reopening transport links.

Happily, the latest figures show that this housing surge is not just confined to our economic hotspots, such as Birmingham and Coventry, but is now being shared with communities where economic growth has been slower. Within the West Midlands, the number of homes started last year went up the most – by 18 per cent – in the Black Country.

This is important as I am determined that the whole region benefits from the resurgence of the West Midlands. The spread of high-quality new housing is a vital proof point for our plan.

The West Midlands Combined Authority (WMCA) has committed to delivering 215,000 new homes spread across the region by 2031 – easily the biggest number outside London, which reflects our growing population.

House prices and rents are also rising faster here than the rest of the UK, a double-edged sword that benefits some while impacting on younger people.

Figures from the Office of National Statistics show that 10,640 new homes were started in the WMCA area last year – a seven per cent increase on 2017. Across England, the average increase was zero.

Housing completions in the West Midlands increased by 13 per cent to 10,960, compared to the average increase of one per cent in England.

The highest rise in housing completions was in the Greater Birmingham and Solihull Local Enterprise Partnership (LEP) area, where 40 per cent more new homes were finished than in 2017.

Creating more affordable housing remains a challenge. While the number of affordable homes built across the region last year was considerably more than in the previous 12 months, we know we must do better. We have a target to triple the numbers being built, and are working with partners to achieve this ambition.

While the sight of cranes dotting the skylines of city centres may be a sign of economic confidence, people want to see redevelopment and regeneration reach out to their communities, too.

This is not happening by accident. As Mayor my focus is jobs, transport and housing, all of which are intrinsically linked. Transport investment is key, as we map out where new housing developments can support economic growth.

In the Black Country, for example, the £449 million extension of the Metro will spearhead regeneration along its route through Sandwell and into Dudley. In Walsall, we are re-opening railway stations like Willenhall and Darlaston, which have been closed to passengers since the Beeching cuts.

This joined-up approach is providing a network that not only transports people around our region, it encourages development to spread out. A good transport network not only moves people, it moves investment. The Government is playing its part in this, investing £200 million in expanding the West Midlands Metro network.

But perhaps the most resonant example of our housing revolution can be seen in areas where for decades regeneration was simply impossible. Like many of the UK’s regions, the West Midlands is scarred by the remnants of our industrial past. These derelict ‘brownfield’ sites, once the homes of industries that made our region an industrial powerhouse, are often contaminated, polluted and unsuitable for redevelopment.

It is vital that we address these areas, not only to unlock the valuable land that they represent, but to rebuild communities from within, to give them new heart. This has become a central plank of our housing policy.

Again, the Government is playing its part in this new approach. We secured £350 million from the Chancellor in our Housing Deal to transform swathes of redundant and derelict former industrial sites, bringing them back into use for jobs and homes.

It is crucial that more investment is made in this exciting area. Government must not only provide financial incentives to persuade developers to look at brownfield sites first, it must also ensure that planning processes do not put brownfield developers at a disadvantage.

Locally, we must be as efficient as possible, too. In the West Midlands, we are setting up a single framework to distribute over £600 million of regeneration funding quickly, speeding up development.

We are seeing tangible change. For example, in Walsall the 44-acre derelict site of a former copper works has been the subject of stalled regeneration plans for more than two decades. Now known as the ‘Phoenix 10’ site, it sits near Junctions 9 and 10 of the M6 – a visible sign of stagnation. It will now come back to use – great evidence of effective teamwork to make this happen!

I am proud that, as a Conservative mayor and with the backing of a Conservative-lead council and a Conservative Government, this blot on Walsall’s landscape is finally being turned to good use.

The highly-polluted site is now being cleared and cleaned-up to create a modern employment park, bringing more than 1000 jobs. Elsewhere in the region we are seeing sites that have lain dormant for a generation or longer brought back to use.

In Wolverhampton, a £185 million city living development, called Brewers Yard, is planned for a ten-acre brownfield plot near the university. Just a stone’s throw from the city’s new rail and bus interchange, this mix of luxury and affordable homes is a great example of how transport investment and brownfield reclamation is encouraging building in areas that developers once avoided.

Fittingly, the Black Country, synonymous with the heavy industry of the Industrial Revolution, aims to take the lead in building this new science of reclamation. The University of Wolverhampton plans to be the home of a new National Brownfield Institute, which will feature labs and testing facilities as part of its £100 million Springfield Campus development.

There are other real benefits to reclaiming the derelict sites of the past. While transforming urban communities, it helps us protect the cherished greenbelt land around the edges of the conurbation. What’s more, by shifting the emphasis of home building from the suburbs to urban living, we can also potentially help the high street by increasing footfall.

We have a long way to go to meet the housing and regeneration needs of our region. But here in the West Midlands we are unlocking the huge potential of these wasted sites and making “brownfield first” a reality.

By addressing some of the remnants of our industrial past, we are rebuilding communities for the future – and providing new housing that gives hope to young voters.

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com