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Westlake Legal Group > News Corporation (Page 183)

Yang: I will support whoever the Democratic nominee is

Westlake Legal Group HE1gOCCayGYTmft3nWr0tspX2m0rzntsX_TDw47bshs Yang: I will support whoever the Democratic nominee is r/politics

Yang seemed to have a lot of great ideas that many candidates didn’t have

I see people say this, but other than UBI what unique idea did he have? All his other ideas had at least one other candidate proposing the same or similar (and often before he adopted it). I mean, I guess the abolishment of the penny was something unique to him, but that’s such a minor policy that most people won’t care.

Everytime I ask YangGang, they try to say Democracy Dollars, but that idea is not new. Other candidates in the past have had it, and even Sanders proposed something like it about thrity or so years ago. And Bernie has a similar policy on his platform this year as well.

So what other policies? The American Scorecard might be one, but that’s literally just a change in how we say things, not much else.

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

Former Massachusetts Gov. Deval Patrick Ends His Presidential Bid

Westlake Legal Group gettyimages-1199577314_wide-40434e59ee8faac9f50ca1cc9aec98f772f33c96-s1100-c15 Former Massachusetts Gov. Deval Patrick Ends His Presidential Bid

Deval Patrick, a former governor of Massachusetts and 2020 Democratic presidential candidate, speaks during the 61st Annual McIntyre-Shaheen 100 Club Dinner in Manchester, N.H., on Feb. 8. Adam Glanzman/Bloomberg via Getty Images hide caption

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Adam Glanzman/Bloomberg via Getty Images

Westlake Legal Group  Former Massachusetts Gov. Deval Patrick Ends His Presidential Bid

Deval Patrick, a former governor of Massachusetts and 2020 Democratic presidential candidate, speaks during the 61st Annual McIntyre-Shaheen 100 Club Dinner in Manchester, N.H., on Feb. 8.

Adam Glanzman/Bloomberg via Getty Images

Deval Patrick, a former Massachusetts governor who jumped into the Democratic presidential primary months after most of his competitors did, has now ended that bid.

Patrick announced his decision on Wednesday, a day after the New Hampshire primary.

“[T]he vote in New Hampshire last night was not enough for us to create the practical wind at the campaign’s back to go on to the next round of voting. So I have decided to suspend the campaign, effective immediately,” he said in a statement.

The 63-year-old joined the Democratic field in November 2019, reversing an earlier decision. In December 2018, Patrick had opted against a run, citing “the cruelty of our elections process” and his wife’s diagnosis of uterine cancer. (He said his wife was cancer-free when he made his bid official.)

Patrick’s entrance into the crowded primary field seemed to indicate unease among Democrats with the large group of candidates, and Patrick, a gifted campaigner who is close to former President Barack Obama, cast himself as a leader who could unify the party and bring opposing coalitions together.

He also leaned into his inspiring life story, rising from his youth in Chicago to become one of only two African American men elected governor.

But Patrick, who admitted his late-entry campaign was a “Hail Mary from two stadiums over,” began his campaign with comparably low name recognition and never gained traction in polls. He earned less than 1% of the vote in the New Hampshire primary, despite leading next-door Massachusetts for two terms as governor and receiving a boost on the airwaves from a pro-Patrick superPAC.

Patrick had also sought to compete in South Carolina, where African American voters make up a majority of the Democratic electorate.

Patrick’s departure from the race leaves eight candidates still running for the party’s presidential nomination. Hawaii Rep. Tulsi Gabbard is the only one who is not white.

Positioning himself closer to the center-left among the Democratic presidential candidates, Patrick outlined a series of broad policy agendas, including a “democracy agenda” and an “opportunity agenda” that sought universal prekindergarten among other measures. He also favored a “public option” expansion of Medicare.

“Patriotism demands, now more than ever, that we reject false choices,” Patrick said in his statement Wednesday. “Despite our righteous anger, Democrats don’t have to hate Republicans to be good Democrats. We don’t have to hate business to fight for social justice or to hate police to believe black lives matter. In that same spirit, we don’t have to hate moderation to be a good progressive. I say that because, unlike most other candidates, I have actually delivered progressive results using a moderate approach.”

Prior to his terms as Massachusetts governor, Patrick led the Civil Rights Division of the U.S. Department of Justice during President Bill Clinton’s administration and then was general counsel at oil company Texaco and Coca-Cola and a member of the board of directors at the parent company of mortgage lender Ameriquest.

After he left office, Patrick joined Boston-based investment firm Bain Capital to launch a so-called impact investing fund.

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

Bloomberg Says He ‘Inherited’ Stop And Frisk. NYC Activists Recall A Different Story.

Westlake Legal Group 5e4427e32100005000e94e7e Bloomberg Says He ‘Inherited’ Stop And Frisk. NYC Activists Recall A Different Story.

NEW YORK — New York City activists and academics expressed outrage Tuesday after Democratic presidential candidate Michael Bloomberg issued a deceptive statement claiming to have “inherited” the racially discriminatory police practice of “stop and frisk” during his time as mayor, and to have cut back police stops by “95%.”

Jeffrey Fagan, a criminologist at Columbia University who published an in-depth study of stop and frisk, noted that while Bloomberg claimed to have “inherited” the police practice, stops actually “ballooned” during his time as mayor, from 92,000 stops in 2002 to nearly 700,000 in 2011.

“So, he took a policy in place and vastly and enthusiastically expanded it during his regime,” Fagan wrote in a tweet.

Alyssa Aguilera, spokesperson for the Communities United for Police Reform Action Fund, told HuffPost in a statement that “contrary to Bloomberg’s claims that he ‘cut back’ stop-and-frisk,” it was actually local activists who “forced the historic reduction in abusive stops.”

And Christopher Dunn, a lawyer at the New York Civil Liberties Union, shared that analysis, telling Gothamist that Bloomberg’s statement was “completely misleading.”

“It is true that the very end of his administration that stops went way down, but that undoubtedly was a product of all the advocacy and litigation that was taking place,” Dunn said. “He does not get credit for that, and it’s notable that he did not try to take credit for it at the time.”

Bloomberg, a Republican-turned-Democratic billionaire who recently launched a largely self-funded White House run, has struggled to distance himself from a series of aggressive and discriminatory policing policies he oversaw as a three-term mayor of New York City.

His misleading statement Tuesday came in response to outrage over a recently resurfaced audio clip in which he can be heard defending his stop-and-frisk regimen in stark, racist terms.

“People say, ‘Oh, my God, you are arresting kids for marijuana who are all minorities,’” Bloomberg says in the audio recording from a 2015 Q&A at The Aspen Institute. “Yes, that’s true. Why? Because we put all the cops in the minority neighborhoods. Yes, that’s true. Why’d we do it? Because that’s where all the crime is. And the way you should get the guns out of the kids’ hands is throw them against the wall and frisk them.” 

Prominent figures on the left and right of the political spectrum criticized Bloomberg over the comments. Even President Donald Trump, a stop-and-frisk supporter himself, tweeted: “WOW, BLOOMBERG IS A TOTAL RACIST!” (The president later deleted the tweet.)

“I inherited the police practice of stop-and-frisk, and as part of our effort to stop gun violence it was overused,” Bloomberg said in his statement Tuesday. “By the time I left office, I cut it back by 95%, but I should’ve done it faster and sooner. I regret that and I have apologized — and I have taken responsibility for taking too long to understand the impact it had on Black and Latino communities.”

In a series of emails with HuffPost, a Bloomberg campaign spokesperson did not specify precisely the exact time frame it used to calculate this alleged “95%” drop.

Donna Lieberman, executive director at the NYCLU, speculated to HuffPost that the Bloomberg campaign selectively sliced and diced stop-and-frisk data to its own advantage, comparing the number of police stops at their peak during his mayorship (about 204,000 stops in the first quarter of 2012) to the number of stops at their lowest (12,500 stops in the fourth quarter of 2013).

But experts and activists say this narrow reading of the data obscures larger trends. 

“His ’95% decline’ figure is nonsense,” wrote Fagan, the Columbia University criminologist. “Stops declined by 72% from the 2011 peak to 2013, his last year. Stops increased overall 98% from 2002-2013.”

Fagan added that Bloomberg only “brought down the number of stops due to pressures from the federal district court in a series of court orders beginning in May 2012 and continuing through August 2013,” when a federal judge ruled that the city’s use of stop and frisk was unconstitutional and amounted to racial profiling.

Bloomberg was furious over the court’s decision at the time, referring to the judge as “some woman” who knew “absolutely zero” about policing. He filed an appeal, and worked to eventually get the judge removed from the case altogether.

In a sharp rebuke to Bloomberg, New York City voters elected Democrat Bill de Blasio as his successor in 2013. De Blasio had campaigned on police reform and decreasing the use of stop and frisk.

“The nation is just now starting to learn what Black, Latinx and other New Yorkers know intimately ― Bloomberg’s legacy in NYC was 12 years of racist policing and criminalizing poverty,” Aguilera, from the Communities United for Police Reform Action Fund, told HuffPost. “The NYPD’s stop-and-frisk program under Bloomberg was the nation’s largest racial profiling program at the time.”

Of the nearly 700,000 police stops the NYPD conducted in 2011, 87% were Black and Latino New Yorkers. Of those stopped, nearly 90% were innocent of any crime.

“Bloomberg’s mayoralty should be understood as a consistent thread of structural racism,” Aguilera said, “including his defense of the NYPD’s mass unwarranted religious profiling of Muslim New Yorkers of color; his refusal to settle the Central Park 5 case; and his support of failed and dangerous broken windows policing which included stop-and-frisk, racially biased marijuana arrests, and targeting of homeless and other low-income New Yorkers.”

Bloomberg only apologized for his stop-and-frisk regimen in November, one week before he announced his bid for president. He has since spent over $300 million of his own money on his campaign, buying himself a surge in recent Democratic presidential primary polls. He’ll appear on the ballot for the first time this election cycle on Super Tuesday in March.

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

A Thorn in YouTube’s Side Digs In Even Deeper

Carlos Maza believes that YouTube is a destructive, unethical, reckless company that amplifies bigots and profits off fascism.

Now it’s also his meal ticket.

Mr. Maza, 31, announced several weeks ago that he was leaving Vox, where he had worked as a video journalist since 2017, to become a full-time YouTube creator.

The move shocked some of Mr. Maza’s fans, who have watched him become one of YouTube’s most vocal critics for failing to stop a right-wing pile-on against him last year. The controversy that followed that campaign, which was led by a prominent conservative YouTuber, turned Mr. Maza into a YouTube mini-celebrity and made him a sworn enemy of the site’s free-speech absolutists. He received death threats — and was temporarily forced to move out of his apartment.

Rather than swearing off YouTube, Mr. Maza, who is a New York-based socialist, decided to seize the means of his own video production.

“I’m going to use the master’s tools to destroy the master’s house,” he said in an interview. “I want to build up an audience and use every chance I get to explain how destructive YouTube is.”

It’s not rare for YouTubers to criticize YouTube. (In fact, among top creators, it’s practically a sport.) But Mr. Maza’s critique extends to the traditional media as well. He believes that media outlets have largely failed to tell compelling stories to a generation raised on YouTube and other social platforms, and that, as a result, they have created a power vacuum that bigots and extremists have been skilled at filling.

“On YouTube, you’re competing against people who have put a lot of time and effort into crafting narrative arcs, characters, settings or just feelings they’re trying to evoke,” he said. “In that environment, what would have been considered typical video content for a newsroom — news clips, or random anchors generically repeating the news with no emotions into a camera — feels really inadequate and anemic.”

Clips from a video Mr. Maza released on his new YouTube channel.Credit

The YouTube series that Mr. Maza hosted at Vox, “Strikethrough,” drew millions of views with acidic takedowns of Fox News, CNN and other mainstream media organizations. But he took aim at YouTube itself last year after Steven Crowder, a bargain-bin conservative comedian with more than four million YouTube subscribers, began taunting Mr. Maza, mocking him as a “lispy queer” and repeatedly making off-color jokes about his sexual orientation (gay) and ethnicity (Cuban American).

In response, Mr. Maza compiled a video of Mr. Crowder’s insults and tweeted them out, blaming YouTube for its inconsistent enforcement of its hate-speech policies. (One tweet read: “YouTube is dominated by alt-right monsters who use the platform to target their critics and make their lives miserable.”)

After an investigation, YouTube found that Mr. Crowder’s videos did not violate its rules. That set off an avalanche of criticism, and provoked backlash from L.G.B.T. groups and YouTube employees, who urged the company to do more to protect Mr. Maza and other creators from harassment. The controversy even ensnared Susan Wojcicki, YouTube’s chief executive, who was forced to apologize. Late last year, the site revised its harassment policy to address some of the concerns.

A YouTube spokeswoman declined to comment.

Inside the world of YouTube partisans, Mr. Maza’s feud with Mr. Crowder made him a scapegoat. Some creators blamed him for setting off an “adpocalypse” — a YouTube policy change that resulted in some videos being stripped of their ads. Others wove elaborate conspiracy theories that NBCUniversal, an investor in Vox, was using Mr. Maza to drive viewers and advertisers away from YouTube and toward its own TV platform.

In July, Vox ended Mr. Maza’s show, and after a few months in limbo, he decided to hang his own shingle. He set up a YouTube channel and a Patreon crowdfunding account, bought a camera and hit record. For all its flaws, he said, YouTube is essential for people who want to get a message out.

“The one thing that YouTube offers that’s really good is that it does give a space for independent journalists to do important work and build an audience without requiring a huge investment of capital,” Mr. Maza said.

YouTube can be harsh terrain for a professional leftist. The site is nominally open to all views, but in practice is dominated by a strain of reactionary politics that is marked by extreme skepticism of mainstream media, disdain for left-wing “social justice warriors” and a tunnel-vision fixation on political correctness.

In recent years, some progressive YouTubers have tried to counter this trend by making punchy, opinionated videos aimed at left-wing viewers. BreadTube, a loose crew of socialist creators who named themselves after a 19th-century anarchist book, “The Conquest of Bread,” has made modest stars out of leftists like Natalie Wynn, a YouTube personality known as ContraPoints, and Oliver Thorn, a British commentator known as PhilosophyTube.

ImageWestlake Legal Group merlin_168800403_de376195-4779-4cfd-83bc-306624cf31cf-articleLarge A Thorn in YouTube’s Side Digs In Even Deeper YouTube.com Web-Original Programming Vox Media Inc Video Recordings, Downloads and Streaming News and News Media Maza, Carlos

“People understand the world through stories and personalities,” Mr. Maza said.Credit…Ricky Rhodes for The New York Times

But these creators are still much less powerful than their reactionary counterparts. Mr. Maza attributes that gap to the fact that while a vast network of well-funded YouTube channels exists to push right-wing views, liberal commentary is still mainly underwritten by major news organizations, which have been slower to embrace the highly opinionated, emotionally charged style of content that works well on YouTube.

“People understand the world through stories and personalities,” he said. “People don’t actually want emotionless, thoughtless, viewpoint-less journalism, which is why no one is a Wolf Blitzer stan.”

In order to reach people on YouTube, Mr. Maza said that the left needs to embrace YouTube’s algorithmically driven ecosystem, which rewards “authentic” and “relatable” creators who can connect emotionally with an audience.

“There is a need for compelling progressive content that gives a young kid on YouTube some sense that there is a worldview and an aesthetic and a vibe that is attractive on the left,” he said.

Mr. Maza’s first video, a five-minute introduction to his channel, hints at how he intends to do that. The video is half political manifesto, half self-deprecating monologue. Playing all three parts himself, he has an imagined conversation with his “left flank,” a hammer-and-sickle socialist, and his “right flank,” a tie-clad centrist, along with his therapist, who warns him that YouTube can transform decent people into “cruel, ego-driven” attention-seekers.

It’s a funny, knowing skit, and it shows how familiar Mr. Maza is with the customs and culture of YouTube. He doesn’t wear a suit or plaster himself with stage makeup. He doesn’t take himself too seriously, or adopt a Walter Cronkite-like pose of objectivity.

He gets that YouTube, while a serious forum for political discussion, also requires a kind of pageantry that can be hard for people steeped in the ways of traditional media.

With just 14,000 subscribers, Mr. Maza has a long road ahead to building a platform as large as the one he left at Vox. But he sees no better route to relevance than going all in on YouTube, even if that means embracing a platform whose politics he detests.

“There needs to be some swagger to leftist politics,” Mr. Maza said. “And YouTube gives you a space to have that swagger.”

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

Yang: I will support whoever the Democratic nominee is

Westlake Legal Group HE1gOCCayGYTmft3nWr0tspX2m0rzntsX_TDw47bshs Yang: I will support whoever the Democratic nominee is r/politics

Yang seemed to have a lot of great ideas that many candidates didn’t have

I see people say this, but other than UBI what unique idea did he have? All his other ideas had at least one other candidate proposing the same or similar (and often before he adopted it). I mean, I guess the abolishment of the penny was something unique to him, but that’s such a minor policy that most people won’t care.

Everytime I ask YangGang, they try to say Democracy Dollars, but that idea is not new. Other candidates in the past have had it, and even Sanders proposed something like it about thrity or so years ago. And Bernie has a similar policy on his platform this year as well.

So what other policies? The American Scorecard might be one, but that’s literally just a change in how we say things, not much else.

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

‘Crip Camp’ Could Finally Make Disability Rights A Mainstream Political Movement

It’s the summer of 1971. A group of disabled hippie teenagers gather round at Camp Jened in the Catskills of upstate New York. Some teens are smoking outside. Some are playing music or baseball, and others are making out in the dining hall.

This is the setting for the first half of “Crip Camp,” a Netflix documentary spotlighting a summer camp that sparked a disability rights movement, eventually leading to the July 1990 passage of the historic Americans with Disabilities Act, which prohibits discrimination against people with disabilities. The film has big names attached — Barack and Michelle Obama share executive producing credits — and it received a standing ovation when it opened the Sundance Film Festival late last month.

“Crip Camp,” directed by Emmy-winning filmmaker Nicole Newnham and sound designer/mixer and former Jened camper Jim LeBrecht, relies on both archival footage and present-day interviews with former campers and counselors. The film, which hits Netflix in March, seamlessly presents a striking narrative of how a summer at Camp Jened transformed the way kids with disabilities viewed themselves and how they approached the world later.

In just under two hours, “Crip Camp” illustrates how being disabled is a political act despite society’s failure to recognize disability as a valid identity with its own community, history, culture and stake in all sociopolitical issues.

Westlake Legal Group 5e3b56c7270000310338b548 ‘Crip Camp’ Could Finally Make Disability Rights A Mainstream Political Movement

Tibrina Hobson via Getty Images Co-directors Jim LeBrecht and Nicole Newnham attend the “Crip Camp” premiere at the Sundance Film Festival in Park City, Utah, on Jan. 23.

As the documentary reveals, campers at Jened have a variety of physical, intellectual, developmental and learning disabilities, including polio and cerebral palsy. The first half of the film largely centers LeBrecht’s experiences at Camp Jened as a teen with spina fida and, later, as a disability rights activist. In the beginning, as campers spill out of the activity bus and arrive on the grounds of Jened, present-day LeBrecht reflects on what it felt like to be in the company of so many other disabled teenagers for the first time.

“There was that constant pressure of being found out” as the kid with a disability, says LeBrecht, who was 15 years old when he attended Camp Jened. “But at camp, everyone had something going on with their body. It just wasn’t a big deal.”

At Camp Jened, the teenagers embrace their newfound freedom — not from their disabilities, but to play guitar, jump in the swimming pool, make flower crowns, take walks, have sex, fall in love and be themselves — without having to conform to society’s expectations of how bodies should move and work.

At various points in the film, campers and disability activists refer to themselves as “cripples,” reclaiming what’s historically been used as a derogatory term by abled people to describe people with disabilities. 

As the film unfolds, the campers bond over similar struggles with having a disability back home, such as the lack of privacy, overprotective parents, being ostracized and general fear of disability from the public — an undeniable contrast to Camp Jened, where accessibility, integration and mutual understanding are built into the experience from the beginning.

It also addresses the nuances of disability culture, including the varying experiences of people who acquire their disabilities later in life versus those who were born with them.

After getting a taste of being part of a truly inclusive community — one where it’s easy to get around and nobody gives you looks of pity — many campers find it difficult to move on with their regular lives.

“What we saw at that camp was that our lives could be better. The fact of the matter is that you don’t have anything to strive for if you don’t know that it exists,” LeBrecht says in the film. “I had to try to adapt. I had to fit into this world that wasn’t built for me. It never dawned on me that the world was ever gonna change.”

After Camp Jened, the teenagers grow up and eventually find each other again in Berkeley, California, during the mid-1970s. Much of the documentary’s second half is focused on Judy Heumann, a former counselor at Camp Jened and the founder of the political organization Disabled in Action.

“I don’t think I really felt ashamed about my disability. What I felt more was exclusion,” Heumann, who has polio and uses a wheelchair, says in the film. “For me, the camp experience really was empowering because we helped empower each other that the status quo is not what it needed to be.”

The documentary manages to spotlight several key events and news stories, including an exposé on the horrors of institutionalization and various demonstrations led by Disabled in Action, without feeling like a history lesson — a testament to LeBrecht’s and Newnham’s storytelling capabilities. By centering disabled people’s voices and firsthand experiences, “Crip Camp” provides a deeply personal look into what was at stake for more than 40 million people with disabilities in the United States at the time.

‘Crip Camp’ illustrates how being disabled is a political act despite society’s failure to recognize disability as a valid identity with its own community, history, culture and stake in all sociopolitical issues.

The film culminates with the 504 Sit-In, a 23-day nonviolent protest in which disability activists stormed the U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare and refused to leave until Section 504 — an anti-discrimination provision part of the Rehabilitation Act of 1972 — got signed. Schools, universities and hospitals pushed back against having to spend the money to make their buildings accessible.

Around the same time, the peace and civil rights movements were also well underway, providing a springboard for Heumann, LeBrecht and other Jened alumni to make their voices heard. Black Panthers, LGBTQ advocates and union members pooled what little resources they had to support the 504 protesters, showing that disability rights are part of a universal movement for equity and inclusion.

The resilience, resourcefulness and creativity that come with being disabled help the activists sustain their movement all the way up until the Americans with Disabilities Act is finally signed in July 1990, guaranteeing civil rights for the disability community across employment, education, transportation and other areas of public life.

“The passage of this monumental legislation will make it clear that our government will no longer allow the largest minority group in the United States to be denied equal opportunity,” Heumann says in the film during a hearing after the ADA is signed. “To do any less is immoral.”

For decades, disability rights has been considered a radical issue that’s struggled to be included in mainstream politics, often lagging behind in the progressive movement. But “Crip Camp” demonstrates what the teenagers of Camp Jened discovered during the summer of 1971: that having a disability is about as “normal” as you can get, and everyone else is simply catching up.

“Crip Camp” hits Netflix in March.

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

Joe Biden Looks To South Carolina To Resurrect His Campaign

Westlake Legal Group 5e443026260000c600b6a2e6 Joe Biden Looks To South Carolina To Resurrect His Campaign

COLUMBIA, S.C. (AP) — Joe Biden brought his wounded presidential campaign to South Carolina on Tuesday, staking his hopes for a comeback on the loyalty of black voters in the state after a dismal finish in the New Hampshire primary magnified his disappointing finish in Iowa.

“I know this is going to be the fight of my life,” Biden told about 200 enthusiastic supporters gathered near the South Carolina Capitol to hear the 77-year-old former vice president deliver an emotional appeal. Biden eagerly looked ahead as the nomination fight moves beyond the overwhelmingly white opening states to Nevada, South Carolina and a Super Tuesday slate where African Americans and Latinos will hold considerable sway.

“We just heard from the first two of 50 states. Two of them,” Biden said. “That’s the opening bell, not the closing bell.”

The candidate argued that no Democratic nominee has succeeded without significant support from African Americans, the core of his base in a fractured primary field. The electorate in South Carolina’s Feb. 29 primary, the first in the South, is expected to be more than 60% black and could approach 70%, according to state party leaders.

Still, there is no Democratic precedent for the kind of comeback Biden is trying to pull off. No Democrat has claimed the nomination in the modern primary system without winning either Iowa or New Hampshire.

Biden’s campaign had said for months they didn’t have to win either state, but that strategy didn’t necessarily consider finishing so far off the pace. In recent days, Biden’s donor base has since grown nervous, raising questions about his financial viability if he doesn’t rebound quickly.

Biden boarded a private jet in Manchester on Tuesday evening — even before New Hampshire primary polls closed — ending an eight-day whirlwind that saw the former vice president go from a national front-runner for the nomination to a battered underdog.

He finished fourth in the Iowa caucuses, and with votes still being tabulated in New Hampshire, Biden was vying for fourth alongside Sen. Elizabeth Warren. Each was at risk of finishing without winning any delegates out of the nation’s first primary.

In his remarks Tuesday night, Biden praised Iowa’s and New Hampshire’s opening roles, but argued that 99.9% of African Americans and 99.8% of Latinos haven’t yet had the opportunity to cast Democratic primary ballots.

“Do not let anyone take this election away from you,” he said in a speech that touted his deep political ties to South Carolina and to the black community.

Biden mentioned his relationship with South Carolina’s lone Democratic congressman, Jim Clyburn, the highest ranking black lawmaker on Capitol Hill. He noted his service as President Barack Obama’s top lieutenant. He recalled meeting South African leader Nelson Mandela. And he promised black Americans a seat at the table in the Oval Office.

“Too often your loyalty, your commitment, your support for this party has been taken for granted,” he said. “I give you my word as a Biden that I never, ever, ever will.”

Biden was introduced by his campaign co-chairman, Cedric Richmond, a Louisiana congressman and former chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus. Richmond recalled for the crowd the first question he asked himself when deciding who to support: “Who do I trust?”

South Carolina has been a springboard for the nominee before. Four years ago, Hillary Clinton and Sanders battled to a draw in Iowa and Sanders beat her in New Hampshire, prompting a round of hand-wringing from some party leaders and national media. Clinton went on to crush Sanders in South Carolina and the diverse states that immediately followed, building a delegate lead he could never overcome. Eight years earlier, it was Obama, the nation’s first black president, who used the black vote to put distance between his campaign and Clinton.

This isn’t a two-person race, though, and Biden is looking merely to return to contender status. But 2020 already has proven unusual, with no candidate having demonstrated the ability to build a broad coalition across the party’s racial, ethnic and ideological factions. Bernie Sanders and Pete Buttigieg achieved a split decision in Iowa and Sanders barely edged out Buttigieg in New Hampshire.

Sanders, a Vermont senator and democratic socialist, has paltry support among the party’s establishment core, and for months he has trailed Biden in support among non-white Democrats. Buttigieg, the former mayor of South Bend, Indiana, has struggled to corral meaningful support from black or Latino voters.

The same is true for Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar, who finished just behind Biden in Iowa but finished third in New Hampshire.

Biden does have competition for the black vote in South Carolina. Billionaire businessman Tom Steyer has spent large sums on advertising, while Biden’s financial struggles have left him largely absent from the state’s airwaves. The former vice president will depend on voters like Tina Herbert, a Columbia attorney who was eager to see him Tuesday night.

“I thought it was important that I showed my face and showed my support for him tonight,” she said. “I’ve been with him since Day One.”

Herbert said she wasn’t concerned about Biden’s finishes in any other early states.

“We are not really receptive to outsiders, so we don’t listen to their opinions, even when we should, good or bad,” she said.

—- Associated Press reporter Meg Kinnard contributed to this report.

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

A Thorn in YouTube’s Side Digs In Even Deeper

Carlos Maza believes that YouTube is a destructive, unethical, reckless company that amplifies bigots and profits off fascism.

Now it’s also his meal ticket.

Mr. Maza, 31, announced several weeks ago that he was leaving Vox, where he had worked as a video journalist since 2017, to become a full-time YouTube creator.

The move shocked some of Mr. Maza’s fans, who have watched him become one of YouTube’s most vocal critics for failing to stop a right-wing pile-on against him last year. The controversy that followed that campaign, which was led by a prominent conservative YouTuber, turned Mr. Maza into a YouTube mini-celebrity and made him a sworn enemy of the site’s free-speech absolutists. He received death threats — and was temporarily forced to move out of his apartment.

Rather than swearing off YouTube, Mr. Maza, who is a New York-based socialist, decided to seize the means of his own video production.

“I’m going to use the master’s tools to destroy the master’s house,” he said in an interview. “I want to build up an audience and use every chance I get to explain how destructive YouTube is.”

It’s not rare for YouTubers to criticize YouTube. (In fact, among top creators, it’s practically a sport.) But Mr. Maza’s critique extends to the traditional media as well. He believes that media outlets have largely failed to tell compelling stories to a generation raised on YouTube and other social platforms, and that, as a result, they have created a power vacuum that bigots and extremists have been skilled at filling.

“On YouTube, you’re competing against people who have put a lot of time and effort into crafting narrative arcs, characters, settings or just feelings they’re trying to evoke,” he said. “In that environment, what would have been considered typical video content for a newsroom — news clips, or random anchors generically repeating the news with no emotions into a camera — feels really inadequate and anemic.”

Clips from a video Mr. Maza released on his new YouTube channel.Credit

The YouTube series that Mr. Maza hosted at Vox, “Strikethrough,” drew millions of views with acidic takedowns of Fox News, CNN and other mainstream media organizations. But he took aim at YouTube itself last year after Steven Crowder, a bargain-bin conservative comedian with more than four million YouTube subscribers, began taunting Mr. Maza, mocking him as a “lispy queer” and repeatedly making off-color jokes about his sexual orientation (gay) and ethnicity (Cuban American).

In response, Mr. Maza compiled a video of Mr. Crowder’s insults and tweeted them out, blaming YouTube for its inconsistent enforcement of its hate-speech policies. (One tweet read: “YouTube is dominated by alt-right monsters who use the platform to target their critics and make their lives miserable.”)

After an investigation, YouTube found that Mr. Crowder’s videos did not violate its rules. That set off an avalanche of criticism, and provoked backlash from L.G.B.T. groups and YouTube employees, who urged the company to do more to protect Mr. Maza and other creators from harassment. The controversy even ensnared Susan Wojcicki, YouTube’s chief executive, who was forced to apologize. Late last year, the site revised its harassment policy to address some of the concerns.

A YouTube spokeswoman declined to comment.

Inside the world of YouTube partisans, Mr. Maza’s feud with Mr. Crowder made him a scapegoat. Some creators blamed him for setting off an “adpocalypse” — a YouTube policy change that resulted in some videos being stripped of their ads. Others wove elaborate conspiracy theories that NBCUniversal, an investor in Vox, was using Mr. Maza to drive viewers and advertisers away from YouTube and toward its own TV platform.

In July, Vox ended Mr. Maza’s show, and after a few months in limbo, he decided to hang his own shingle. He set up a YouTube channel and a Patreon crowdfunding account, bought a camera and hit record. For all its flaws, he said, YouTube is essential for people who want to get a message out.

“The one thing that YouTube offers that’s really good is that it does give a space for independent journalists to do important work and build an audience without requiring a huge investment of capital,” Mr. Maza said.

YouTube can be harsh terrain for a professional leftist. The site is nominally open to all views, but in practice is dominated by a strain of reactionary politics that is marked by extreme skepticism of mainstream media, disdain for left-wing “social justice warriors” and a tunnel-vision fixation on political correctness.

In recent years, some progressive YouTubers have tried to counter this trend by making punchy, opinionated videos aimed at left-wing viewers. BreadTube, a loose crew of socialist creators who named themselves after a 19th-century anarchist book, “The Conquest of Bread,” has made modest stars out of leftists like Natalie Wynn, a YouTube personality known as ContraPoints, and Oliver Thorn, a British commentator known as PhilosophyTube.

ImageWestlake Legal Group merlin_168800403_de376195-4779-4cfd-83bc-306624cf31cf-articleLarge A Thorn in YouTube’s Side Digs In Even Deeper YouTube.com Web-Original Programming Vox Media Inc Video Recordings, Downloads and Streaming News and News Media Maza, Carlos

“People understand the world through stories and personalities,” Mr. Maza said.Credit…Ricky Rhodes for The New York Times

But these creators are still much less powerful than their reactionary counterparts. Mr. Maza attributes that gap to the fact that while a vast network of well-funded YouTube channels exists to push right-wing views, liberal commentary is still mainly underwritten by major news organizations, which have been slower to embrace the highly opinionated, emotionally charged style of content that works well on YouTube.

“People understand the world through stories and personalities,” he said. “People don’t actually want emotionless, thoughtless, viewpoint-less journalism, which is why no one is a Wolf Blitzer stan.”

In order to reach people on YouTube, Mr. Maza said that the left needs to embrace YouTube’s algorithmically driven ecosystem, which rewards “authentic” and “relatable” creators who can connect emotionally with an audience.

“There is a need for compelling progressive content that gives a young kid on YouTube some sense that there is a worldview and an aesthetic and a vibe that is attractive on the left,” he said.

Mr. Maza’s first video, a five-minute introduction to his channel, hints at how he intends to do that. The video is half political manifesto, half self-deprecating monologue. Playing all three parts himself, he has an imagined conversation with his “left flank,” a hammer-and-sickle socialist, and his “right flank,” a tie-clad centrist, along with his therapist, who warns him that YouTube can transform decent people into “cruel, ego-driven” attention-seekers.

It’s a funny, knowing skit, and it shows how familiar Mr. Maza is with the customs and culture of YouTube. He doesn’t wear a suit or plaster himself with stage makeup. He doesn’t take himself too seriously, or adopt a Walter Cronkite-like pose of objectivity.

He gets that YouTube, while a serious forum for political discussion, also requires a kind of pageantry that can be hard for people steeped in the ways of traditional media.

With just 14,000 subscribers, Mr. Maza has a long road ahead to building a platform as large as the one he left at Vox. But he sees no better route to relevance than going all in on YouTube, even if that means embracing a platform whose politics he detests.

“There needs to be some swagger to leftist politics,” Mr. Maza said. “And YouTube gives you a space to have that swagger.”

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Bloomberg would pay $3 billion less under his wealth tax than under Sanders plan

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Bloomberg would pay $3 billion less under his wealth tax than under Sanders plan

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