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CNN’s Don Lemon shames GOP ‘enablers,’ says they’re also ‘responsible’ for Trump’s impeachment

Westlake Legal Group Don-Lemon-1 CNN's Don Lemon shames GOP 'enablers,' says they're also 'responsible' for Trump's impeachment Joseph Wulfsohn fox-news/politics/trump-impeachment-inquiry fox-news/politics/house-of-representatives/republicans fox-news/media fox news fnc/media fnc article 749c16f5-a39b-5483-902b-5574443c88dd

CNN anchor Don Lemon slammed Republican lawmakers on Wednesday night, accusing them of being “enablers” of President Trump and insisted they share responsibility for his impeachment.

During his nightly primetime handoff with colleague Chris Cuomo, Lemon went to bat for former President Bill Clinton for being “contrite” and praised him for apologizing amid his own impeachment. He argued that Trump “has done none of that.”

The “CNN Tonight” host said it was one thing that “struck” him as he watched Congress debate the two articles of impeachment.

“When I watched every single person, every Republican who got up today and spoke, not one of them said he did anything wrong, not one of them said that it was inappropriate, not one of them chastised him for anything he did on the call or for any of his behavior,” Lemon told Cuomo. “They have been enablers throughout this entire process. They didn’t say, ‘Well, maybe he could’ve done something different, maybe what he did was inappropriate, maybe he should not have brought the Bidens up on the call, maybe he shouldn’t have brought up Burisma or anything that had to do with any of his personal business. So, they have been enablers throughout this.”

CNN PANEL SHOWERS PELOSI WITH PRAISE AFTER IMPEACHMENT VOTES: ‘PITCH PERFECT’

Lemon continued, “So, I also blame them as well. They are responsible for his impeachment as well. It is what it is at this point. So, they are to blame, not just the president of the United States, because they have been enablers.”

Many Democrats have argued that Trump pressured Ukraine to investigate the dealings of former Vice President Joe Biden and his son Hunter in that country. Hunter Biden served on the board of Burisma Holdings while his father was in the Obama administration. Trump and the White House repeatedly have denied they did anything wrong.

MSNBC host Chris Matthews also took aim at GOP lawmakers for not defending Trump’s “character.”

CLICK HERE TO GET THE FOX NEWS APP

“I’ve been listening and I’ve been watching and I’ve heard something that wasn’t said all day,” Matthews began. “Now here’s a president, a human being, being accused of horrible things, of selling out his office, of trading his public trust for personal gain, a terrible assault on who he was. And yet, all day long, with all the Republican speakers, they were able to say anything they want all day long… not one Republican member of the House stood in that well and defended this president’s character.”

He continued, “No one person said he was an honest man, not one person said he’s a good man, not one person said he could’ve had done something like this, and that is powerful stuff — that a party felt that they can play all the games today. They could talk tactics and style. They talk about everybody else’s situation, but they never defended the man, the person in the White House, his character. This is extraordinary.”

Westlake Legal Group Don-Lemon-1 CNN's Don Lemon shames GOP 'enablers,' says they're also 'responsible' for Trump's impeachment Joseph Wulfsohn fox-news/politics/trump-impeachment-inquiry fox-news/politics/house-of-representatives/republicans fox-news/media fox news fnc/media fnc article 749c16f5-a39b-5483-902b-5574443c88dd   Westlake Legal Group Don-Lemon-1 CNN's Don Lemon shames GOP 'enablers,' says they're also 'responsible' for Trump's impeachment Joseph Wulfsohn fox-news/politics/trump-impeachment-inquiry fox-news/politics/house-of-representatives/republicans fox-news/media fox news fnc/media fnc article 749c16f5-a39b-5483-902b-5574443c88dd

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A President Impeached, and a Nation Convulsed

Westlake Legal Group merlin_166132113_48356d46-51a5-4d2a-af9e-bce836ba7940-facebookJumbo A President Impeached, and a Nation Convulsed United States Politics and Government Trump, Donald J Trump-Ukraine Whistle-Blower Complaint and Impeachment Inquiry Senate Nixon, Richard Milhous Johnson, Andrew impeachment House of Representatives Clinton, Bill

WASHINGTON — For the most unpredictable of presidents, it was the most predictable of outcomes. Is anyone really surprised that President Trump was impeached? His defiant disregard for red lines arguably made him an impeachment waiting to happen.

From the day he took office, Mr. Trump made clear that he would not abide by the conventions of the system he inherited. So perhaps it was inevitable that at some point he would go too far for the opposition party, leading to a historic day of debate on the House floor where he was alternately depicted as a constitutional villain or victim.

The proximate charge as Democrats impeached him for high crimes and misdemeanors on party-line votes Wednesday night was the president’s campaign to pressure Ukraine to help him against his domestic political rivals while withholding security aid. But long before Ukraine consumed the capital, Mr. Trump had sought to bend the instruments of government to his own purposes even if it meant pushing boundaries that had been sacrosanct for a generation.

Over nearly three years in office, he has become the most polarizing figure in a country stewing in toxic politics. He has punished enemies and, many argue, undermined democratic institutions. Disregarding advice that restrained other presidents, Mr. Trump kept his real estate business despite the Constitution’s emoluments clause, paid hush money to an alleged paramour and sought to impede investigations that threatened him.

His constant stream of falsehoods, including about his dealings with Ukraine, undermined his credibility both at home and abroad, even as his supporters saw him as a challenger to a corrupt status quo subjected to partisan persecution.

Impeachments come at times of tumult, when pent-up pressures seem to explode into conflict, when the fabric of society feels tenuous and the future uncertain. The impeachment battles over Presidents Andrew Johnson, Richard M. Nixon and Bill Clinton came at turning points in the American story. The time that produced Mr. Trump has proved to be another one, a moment when the unthinkable has become routine and precepts that once seemed inviolable have been tested.

Mr. Trump, in his divisiveness, is the manifestation of a nation fracturing into warring camps and trying to define what America is about all over again, just as it did during Reconstruction, during the era of Vietnam and Watergate and during the rise of a new form of angry partisanship at the dawn of the information age.

“In each of these impeachments, they are not taking place during periods of quietude,” said Jay Winik, a prominent historian and author of “The Great Upheaval” and other books on pivot points in United States. “In a sense, what we’re seeing is a cap coming off a simmering volcano. We see it with each of these presidents — we see it with Johnson, we see it with Nixon, we see it with Clinton and we see it now with Trump. These impeachments are emblematic of periods of profound transition.”

As it happened, much of the debate on the House floor on Wednesday proved less dramatic than the times that prompted it. The chamber through much of the day had little of the electricity it had on the day Mr. Clinton was impeached, when the country was bombing Iraq, the incoming House speaker suddenly resigned after admitting adultery and the White House feared Mr. Clinton would be forced to follow suit.

Instead, the debate over Mr. Trump seemed more like a scripted program with everyone playing their assigned parts, each side sticking to its talking points, speaking not to the half-empty galleries but to the country at large. Words and phrases like “no one is above the law” (used in some form or another 60 times) and “sad day” and “sham” (29 times each) were among the favorites. Only when the votes neared in the evening did the chamber fill and the energy level rise.

But at points, the lawmakers touched on the larger ramifications, reflecting the broader forces at play. For the Democrats, there was a sense of mission, of reining in an outlaw president who threatened the pillars of the republic. For the Republicans, a party once wary of Mr. Trump but now in full embrace, it was about stopping what they insisted was an illegitimate, unconstitutional attempt to reverse an election victory.

“I don’t want generations to come to blame me for letting democracy die,” said Representative Cedric L. Richmond, Democrat of Louisiana.

“Please stop tearing this country apart,” implored Representative Debbie Lesko, Republican of Arizona.

The country, of course, was being torn apart long before the clerk called the roll, just as it was in the Johnson, Nixon and Clinton eras, but the divisions were surely widened by the time the gavel came down.

Newspapers being sold in New York after President Richard M. Nixon resigned in 1974.Credit…Neal Boenzi/The New York Times Supporters of President Bill Clinton signing petitions to stop impeachment outside the Capitol in 1998.Credit…Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

In Johnson’s case, his impeachment in 1868 was not really about his decision to fire his war secretary in violation of a later-overturned law but about what kind of country would emerge from the Civil War. A Southern white supremacist who ascended to the White House after Abraham Lincoln’s assassination, Johnson wanted to ease the Confederate states back into the Union with little change while his Radical Republican opponents sought a new order guaranteeing equal rights for freed slaves.

More than a century later, Nixon’s near-impeachment in 1974 was the climax of a decade of social upheaval — the assassinations of John F. Kennedy, Robert F. Kennedy and the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., the civil rights movement, the Vietnam War, women’s liberation, the sexual revolution and finally the Watergate scandal. With the country roiling, Nixon resigned before the House could vote on articles of impeachment.

Mr. Clinton’s impeachment in 1998 came in a time of peace and prosperity, but it was nonetheless a moment of transition when the first baby boomer had arrived in the White House along with a history of philandering, drug use and draft avoidance that offended traditionalists. The emergence of Speaker Newt Gingrich’s take-no-prisoners Republicans coincided with the opening of the internet era that would eventually Balkanize America.

“It may be that impeachment is a fairly blunt instrument for dealing with periods of intense partisan division,” said Eric Foner, the noted Reconstruction historian whose latest book, “The Second Founding,” was published this fall. “In a way, we’re in another moment where the fundamentals of the system are being fought over, not just whether the president stays.”

Mr. Trump’s improbable rise to power reflects a transformation of American politics, with separate narratives fueled by separate news media.

For some, his election was the revolt of everyday people against coastal elites, what Mr. Winik called “the age of the forgotten man.” Empowering a rich showman to take on the system, they made him the first president in American history without a day of experience in either government or the military, gambling that he could do what most or all of his 44 predecessors had not.

“We may have been overdue for some reconsideration of the whole political system,” said John Lewis Gaddis, the Pulitzer Prize-winning historian at Yale. “There are times when the vision is not going to come from within the system and the vision is going to come from outside the system. And maybe this is one of those times.”

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

Lindsey Graham on impeachment: ‘The mob took over the House’

Westlake Legal Group ENC3_132211951747300000 Lindsey Graham on impeachment: 'The mob took over the House' fox-news/politics/trump-impeachment-inquiry fox-news/politics/senate/republicans fox-news/politics/senate fox-news/politics/executive/white-house fox-news/person/lindsey-graham fox-news/person/donald-trump fox-news/media/fox-news-flash fox-news/media fox news fnc/media fnc Charles Creitz article 2591d044-e2ab-57cc-8c20-05b6dc8e1e1d

Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., said the impeachment of President Trump is proof that a left-wing “mob” has taken over the House of Representatives.

Graham told “Hannity” that House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., claimed earlier this year that impeachment should be thoughtful and “bipartisan.”

“What happened between March and now?” he asked. “What happened [is] the mob took over the House. The mob is running the Democratic Party. If she did not move to impeach this president, she would not be Speaker.”

TRUMP TAUNTS DEMS AT MICHIGAN RALLY

Graham told host Sean Hannity that Pelosi effectively chose to preserve her position over the good of the country and added that he hopes Democrats will pay electorally next year.

He said Democrats are intent on destroying President Trump and his administration but predicted that the hurried, partisan impeachment proceedings will all but ensure his reelection.

“[T]he political consequences to this will be felt in the next election,” he said. “Play this tape on election night [2020]. I will make a prediction here: the impeachment of this president by Nancy Pelosi, [Adam] Schiff, and [Jerry] Nadler will do as much to get Donald Trump reelected as that [Trump’s] litany of accomplishments.”

CLICK HERE TO GET THE FOX NEWS APP

During the interview, Hannity asked how the South Carolina lawmaker believed moderate Republican senators will vote during the impeachment trial.

He mentioned Sen. Mitt Romney, R-Utah — an occasional foil of the president — as well as centrists Susan Collins of Maine and Lisa Murkowski of Alaska.

Graham said he predicts those Republicans, along with many others, will see the House proceedings as illegitimate and erroneous

“I think Republicans are going to be very reluctant to legitimize what the House did,” he said, “because if you care about the presidency as an institution, what they did in the House is really a threat to the presidency.”

Westlake Legal Group ENC3_132211951747300000 Lindsey Graham on impeachment: 'The mob took over the House' fox-news/politics/trump-impeachment-inquiry fox-news/politics/senate/republicans fox-news/politics/senate fox-news/politics/executive/white-house fox-news/person/lindsey-graham fox-news/person/donald-trump fox-news/media/fox-news-flash fox-news/media fox news fnc/media fnc Charles Creitz article 2591d044-e2ab-57cc-8c20-05b6dc8e1e1d   Westlake Legal Group ENC3_132211951747300000 Lindsey Graham on impeachment: 'The mob took over the House' fox-news/politics/trump-impeachment-inquiry fox-news/politics/senate/republicans fox-news/politics/senate fox-news/politics/executive/white-house fox-news/person/lindsey-graham fox-news/person/donald-trump fox-news/media/fox-news-flash fox-news/media fox news fnc/media fnc Charles Creitz article 2591d044-e2ab-57cc-8c20-05b6dc8e1e1d

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Nancy Pelosi won’t send the articles of impeachment to the Senate until she feels they’ll get a fair hearing.

Westlake Legal Group UFAdA-tREVEYKQiq5FJskQmxGBShZieB3O0wS0r-ej8 Nancy Pelosi won’t send the articles of impeachment to the Senate until she feels they’ll get a fair hearing. r/politics

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A President Impeached, and a Nation Convulsed

Westlake Legal Group merlin_166132113_48356d46-51a5-4d2a-af9e-bce836ba7940-facebookJumbo A President Impeached, and a Nation Convulsed United States Politics and Government Trump, Donald J Trump-Ukraine Whistle-Blower Complaint and Impeachment Inquiry Senate Nixon, Richard Milhous Johnson, Andrew impeachment House of Representatives Clinton, Bill

WASHINGTON — For the most unpredictable of presidents, it was the most predictable of outcomes. Is anyone really surprised that President Trump was impeached? His defiant disregard for red lines arguably made him an impeachment waiting to happen.

From the day he took office, Mr. Trump made clear that he would not abide by the conventions of the system he inherited. So perhaps it was inevitable that at some point he would go too far for the opposition party, leading to a historic day of debate on the House floor where he was alternately depicted as a constitutional villain or victim.

The proximate charge as Democrats impeached him for high crimes and misdemeanors on party-line votes Wednesday night was the president’s campaign to pressure Ukraine to help him against his domestic political rivals while withholding security aid. But long before Ukraine consumed the capital, Mr. Trump had sought to bend the instruments of government to his own purposes even if it meant pushing boundaries that had been sacrosanct for a generation.

Over nearly three years in office, he has become the most polarizing figure in a country stewing in toxic politics. He has punished enemies and, many argue, undermined democratic institutions. Disregarding advice that restrained other presidents, Mr. Trump kept his real estate business despite the Constitution’s emoluments clause, paid hush money to an alleged paramour and sought to impede investigations that threatened him.

His constant stream of falsehoods, including about his dealings with Ukraine, undermined his credibility both at home and abroad, even as his supporters saw him as a challenger to a corrupt status quo subjected to partisan persecution.

Impeachments come at times of tumult, when pent-up pressures seem to explode into conflict, when the fabric of society feels tenuous and the future uncertain. The impeachment battles over Presidents Andrew Johnson, Richard M. Nixon and Bill Clinton came at turning points in the American story. The time that produced Mr. Trump has proved to be another one, a moment when the unthinkable has become routine and precepts that once seemed inviolable have been tested.

Mr. Trump, in his divisiveness, is the manifestation of a nation fracturing into warring camps and trying to define what America is about all over again, just as it did during Reconstruction, during the era of Vietnam and Watergate and during the rise of a new form of angry partisanship at the dawn of the information age.

“In each of these impeachments, they are not taking place during periods of quietude,” said Jay Winik, a prominent historian and author of “The Great Upheaval” and other books on pivot points in United States. “In a sense, what we’re seeing is a cap coming off a simmering volcano. We see it with each of these presidents — we see it with Johnson, we see it with Nixon, we see it with Clinton and we see it now with Trump. These impeachments are emblematic of periods of profound transition.”

As it happened, much of the debate on the House floor on Wednesday proved less dramatic than the times that prompted it. The chamber through much of the day had little of the electricity it had on the day Mr. Clinton was impeached, when the country was bombing Iraq, the incoming House speaker suddenly resigned after admitting adultery and the White House feared Mr. Clinton would be forced to follow suit.

Instead, the debate over Mr. Trump seemed more like a scripted program with everyone playing their assigned parts, each side sticking to its talking points, speaking not to the half-empty galleries but to the country at large. Words and phrases like “no one is above the law” (used in some form or another 60 times) and “sad day” and “sham” (29 times each) were among the favorites. Only when the votes neared in the evening did the chamber fill and the energy level rise.

But at points, the lawmakers touched on the larger ramifications, reflecting the broader forces at play. For the Democrats, there was a sense of mission, of reining in an outlaw president who threatened the pillars of the republic. For the Republicans, a party once wary of Mr. Trump but now in full embrace, it was about stopping what they insisted was an illegitimate, unconstitutional attempt to reverse an election victory.

“I don’t want generations to come to blame me for letting democracy die,” said Representative Cedric L. Richmond, Democrat of Louisiana.

“Please stop tearing this country apart,” implored Representative Debbie Lesko, Republican of Arizona.

The country, of course, was being torn apart long before the clerk called the roll, just as it was in the Johnson, Nixon and Clinton eras, but the divisions were surely widened by the time the gavel came down.

Newspapers being sold in New York after President Richard M. Nixon resigned in 1974.Credit…Neal Boenzi/The New York Times Supporters of President Bill Clinton signing petitions to stop impeachment outside the Capitol in 1998.Credit…Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

In Johnson’s case, his impeachment in 1868 was not really about his decision to fire his war secretary in violation of a later-overturned law but about what kind of country would emerge from the Civil War. A Southern white supremacist who ascended to the White House after Abraham Lincoln’s assassination, Johnson wanted to ease the Confederate states back into the Union with little change while his Radical Republican opponents sought a new order guaranteeing equal rights for freed slaves.

More than a century later, Nixon’s near-impeachment in 1974 was the climax of a decade of social upheaval — the assassinations of John F. Kennedy, Robert F. Kennedy and the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., the civil rights movement, the Vietnam War, women’s liberation, the sexual revolution and finally the Watergate scandal. With the country roiling, Nixon resigned before the House could vote on articles of impeachment.

Mr. Clinton’s impeachment in 1998 came in a time of peace and prosperity, but it was nonetheless a moment of transition when the first baby boomer had arrived in the White House along with a history of philandering, drug use and draft avoidance that offended traditionalists. The emergence of Speaker Newt Gingrich’s take-no-prisoners Republicans coincided with the opening of the internet era that would eventually Balkanize America.

“It may be that impeachment is a fairly blunt instrument for dealing with periods of intense partisan division,” said Eric Foner, the noted Reconstruction historian whose latest book, “The Second Founding,” was published this fall. “In a way, we’re in another moment where the fundamentals of the system are being fought over, not just whether the president stays.”

Mr. Trump’s improbable rise to power reflects a transformation of American politics, with separate narratives fueled by separate news media.

For some, his election was the revolt of everyday people against coastal elites, what Mr. Winik called “the age of the forgotten man.” Empowering a rich showman to take on the system, they made him the first president in American history without a day of experience in either government or the military, gambling that he could do what most or all of his 44 predecessors had not.

“We may have been overdue for some reconsideration of the whole political system,” said John Lewis Gaddis, the Pulitzer Prize-winning historian at Yale. “There are times when the vision is not going to come from within the system and the vision is going to come from outside the system. And maybe this is one of those times.”

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

House Democrats Weigh A Move To Delay Senate Impeachment Trial

Westlake Legal Group gettyimages-1194784070_wide-e54996be15c21e67fb1874094dea74a97d8ed524-s1100-c15 House Democrats Weigh A Move To Delay Senate Impeachment Trial

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi departs a press conference following the impeachment vote in the House of Representatives against President Trump Wednesday evening. Win McNamee/Getty Images hide caption

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Win McNamee/Getty Images

Westlake Legal Group  House Democrats Weigh A Move To Delay Senate Impeachment Trial

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi departs a press conference following the impeachment vote in the House of Representatives against President Trump Wednesday evening.

Win McNamee/Getty Images

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi declined to say when she will transmit the articles of impeachment to the Senate, telling reporters she is waiting to see what process is established in the Senate for a trial.

Pelosi told reporters Wednesday evening after the House approved a resolution with two articles of impeachment that she is waiting to determine who the “impeachment managers” will be – the prosecution team for the House Democrats’ case in the Senate trial – until she sees what parameters are for the Senate trial.

Pelosi pushed back when asked if she was contemplating not sending the resolution with the two articles of impeachment over at all, saying “I never raised that possibility.”

Before the vote, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., was asked about the prospect of the House withholding the articles and told the Washington Examiner, he’s “in no hurry.”

Pelosi is expected to hold her weekly press conference Thursday morning.

McConnell and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y, are expected to meet soon to try to negotiate a resolution that will set out the process for the Senate trial. In recent days, McConnell has also said he is closely coordinating with the White House to plan out a potential trial.

Before Wednesday’s impeachment vote, a handful of House members considered “withholding the articles” to try to force concessions from McConnell and others on their trial plan.

Some House Democrats considered whether hitting the pause button before the lower chamber transmits the articles of impeachment to the Senate was the right move in the wake of increasing talk of acquitting President Trump in a trial.

“If you basically have the leader of the Senate saying I’m going to negotiate completely with the defendant here … that makes a mockery of the whole process,” said California Democratic Rep. Jackie Speier, a member of the House Intelligence Committee. “I think by withholding, you try to negotiate their participation and witnesses… It’s leverage because [Trump] can’t say I’m totally exonerated by the Senate.”

The discussion comes as Senate Republicans have ramped up talks to hold a quick trial in January that will allow Trump to present a robust defense and would end in his acquittal. Trump and White House officials have also kicked up their Senate outreach with Republican members, inviting them for weekly luncheon or other meetings in recent months.

Only a handful of Senate Republicans, including Sens. Lisa Murkowski, R-Ala., Susan Collins, R-Maine and Mitt Romney, R-Utah, have maintained they would like to remain impartial jurors in the process.

Connecticut Democrat Rep. Jim Himes, another member of the House Intelligence Committee, defended the idea of holding the impeachment articles back from the Senate.

“When Mitch McConnell publicly abrogates his duty to be a fair juror I think there is a cause …to take a step back and ask is this the moment to transmit it to the Senate,” Himes said.

House Minority Leader Steny Hoyer wasn’t ready to give his thoughts on the idea, but said it’s under talks now.

“It’s being discussed,” Hoyer said. “I think it’s an interesting idea and we are going to discuss it.”

New Jersey Democratic Rep. Tom Malinowski, a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, said he’s heard more about the proposal on social media than on Capitol Hill, but he’s not ruling it out as option quite yet.

“I’ve been hearing it all over Twitter,” Malinowski said. “I’m thinking about it.”

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Trump Lashes Out At Democrats During Rally As House Votes To Impeach Him

Westlake Legal Group 5dfa98622500003a0298e954 Trump Lashes Out At Democrats During Rally As House Votes To Impeach Him

President Donald Trump lashed out at Democrats in an angry tirade during his campaign rally in Battle Creek, Michigan, while the House of Representatives voted to impeach him Wednesday.

“This lawless, partisan impeachment is a political suicide march for the Democrat Party,” Trump said as his supporters erupted with jeers. 

Trump apparently learned of the outcome of the House impeachment vote while he was on stage, reading out the vote results to his supporters nearly an hour into his rally. 

“We didn’t lose one Republican vote,” he boasted.

During his speech, Trump attacked Hillary Clinton, his 2016 Democratic presidential rival, and his 2020 opponents, as he typically does at his rallies, before going into the House’s vote to impeach him.

“This is the first impeachment where there is no crime. … There’s no crime, there’s no crime,” Trump said. “With Richard Nixon, I see it as a very dark era, very dark…. I don’t know about you, but I’m having a good time.”

Trump also quoted from the rambling six-page letter he sent to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi on Tuesday, the eve of his impeachment, describing the impeachment again as an “election-nullification scheme” that showed Democrats’ “unfettered contempt for the Founding Fathers.”

“They’ve been trying to impeach me from day one,” Trump said. He also claimed that Democrats were trying to impeach him “before I even ran!”

“After three years of sinister witch hunts, hoaxes, scams, tonight House Democrats are trying to nullify the ballots of tens of millions of patriotic Americans,” he said, adding, “Crazy Nancy Pelosi’s House Democrats have branded themselves with an eternal mark of shame” because they voted to impeach him.

Trump’s speech went on for two hours, making it one of his longest campaign rally speeches ever, according to CNN’s Daniel Dale.

The House debated for hours on two articles of impeachment against Trump ― abuse of power and obstruction of Congress ― throughout Wednesday as congressional Republicans denounced the entire process.

The historic vote makes Trump the third U.S. president to be impeached by the House, though the Republican-controlled Senate is widely expected to acquit him next month.

Trump specifically mocked Democratic presidential candidates such as Pete Buttigieg and Sen. Elizabeth Warren, who he referred to as “Pocahontas.” His attack on Clinton led to “Lock her up” chants.

On Wednesday morning, Trump accused Democrats of carrying out an “assault” on the United States and on Republicans by attempting to remove him from office, blaming “atrocious lies by the radical left.”

The articles of impeachment stem from Trump’s attempts to pressure the president of Ukraine into investigating one of his leading 2020 presidential election rivals, former Vice President Joe Biden.

Before Wednesday’s House debate, Pelosi pushed back against Trump’s persistent denials of wrongdoing, stating that the president gave the House no choice but to impeach him.

“It is tragic that the president’s reckless actions make impeachment necessary. He gave us no choice. What we are discussing today is the established fact that the president violated the Constitution,” she said.

Trump said the House’s vote to impeach made Democrats look foolish and suggested it would impact upcoming congressional elections.

“The House Democrats are surrendering their majority, their dignity. They look like a bunch of fools,” he said.

“They’re giving up their honor, they’ll receive a big backlash at the box office,” Trump said before correcting himself, “the ballot box.”

This article has been updated with the length of the speech.

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How TV Covered the Moment of Impeachment

Westlake Legal Group 18impeachtv-facebookJumbo How TV Covered the Moment of Impeachment Trump, Donald J Television Survivor (TV Program) News and News Media National Broadcasting Co impeachment House of Representatives Hannity, Sean Fox News Channel CBS Corporation Carlson, Tucker ABC Inc

The impeachment debate on the floor of the House of Representatives might have been historically significant, but it took longer than expected, which meant it got in the way of two network shows that had been promoted heavily in recent weeks.

At 8 p.m. on Wednesday, CBS cut away from the proceedings for the season finale of the long-running reality competition show “Survivor.” At the same time, ABC dropped its Washington feed to start airing back-to-back live recreations of the 1970s-vintage Norman Lear sitcoms “Good Times” and “All in the Family.”

NBC stuck with the news, rather than its scheduled programming, which was a rerun of “Ellen’s Greatest Night of Giveaways,” starring Ellen DeGeneres. As the anchor Lester Holt led political analysts and correspondents through a discussion, House members were seen milling about in the background. With the tally inching toward the key number, which the network put at 214, NBC included occasional cutaways, with no audio at first, to President Trump speaking at a rally in Battle Creek, Mich.

As the vote went through on the first article of impeachment, ABC broke into “Good Times” with a special report led by the anchor George Stephanopoulos. A banner at the top of the screen declared, “President Trump Impeached.”

When the moment approached on Fox News, Tucker Carlson, almost midway through hosting his 8 p.m. program, said the president had devoted 45 seconds of his rally speech to the topic of the day. The show then cut to a clip from Battle Creek, with the president saying, “It doesn’t really feel like we’re being impeached,” to cheers.

When it was all but official, Mr. Carlson’s reaction was muted. “They have the votes,” he said. “There it is, there it is, right there.”

His guests included Jenna Ellis, a lawyer who called the impeachment “fully unconstitutional,” and Representative Devin Nunes of California, who compared it to “a coup attempt.”

On MSNBC at the close of the vote on the second article, the anchor Brian Williams discussed with Claire McCaskill, the former Democratic senator of Missouri, the dim likelihood that the Senate would follow the House with a conviction. As the yeas mounted, Mr. Williams said: “This moment, make no mistake, is historic. We’ve crossed the threshold, making for two articles of impeachment.”

On CNN, Rick Santorum, a former senator and onetime Republican presidential candidate who is a regular commentator on the channel, was talking about former President Bill Clinton, saying that the House Republicans of 1998 had been “pretty woke” to impeach him, when considering his actions in light of the #MeToo movement.

The CBS anchor Norah O’Donnell interrupted “Survivor” with a special report, noting that not one Republican had voted in favor of impeachment and citing the lack of across-the-aisle agreement as evidence of the “split screen” state of America.

Mr. Carlson, on Fox News, looked grim toward the end of his hour as a guest, Tom Fitton, the head of the conservative activist group Judicial Watch, was saying, “The president has been terribly abused.”

At 9 p.m., CBS returned to “Survivor.” On ABC, the actor Woody Harrelson, with an accent that sounded as if it had originated a thousand miles from Queens, N.Y., was playing Archie Bunker in the “All in the Family” reboot. And on Fox News, Sean Hannity kicked off his highly rated show by calling the impeachment a “repulsive, dangerous political stunt” and a “revolting charade.”

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CNN panel showers Pelosi with praise after impeachment votes: ‘Pitch perfect’

CNN held a lovefest Wednesday night for House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif, as the House of Representatives approved two articles of impeachment against President Trump.

Even though Pelosi had to silence the two rounds of cheers from Democrats after the articles were adopted, CNN anchor Jake Tapper praised the speaker for keeping “most of the Democrats in line” and keeping them “solemn” and “serious” throughout the impeachment inquiry.

“They have not rejoiced, they have treated this day with the gravity it deserves,” Tapper told the panelists, later citing the “few” incidents involving outspoken Democrats such as Reps. Rashida Tlaib of Michigan and Al Green of Texas.

CNN chief political analyst Gloria Borger claimed Pelosi was “pitch perfect” or “almost pitch perfect” with her handling of the impeachment process.

“She understands the solemnity of the moment,” Borger explained. “This is her flock and some of them are young and some are credibly partisan and she warned them, ‘No applause. This is not a time for applause.'”

CNN’S JAKE TAPPER CRITICIZED FOR WHAT HE CALLS THE ‘BIG DIFFERENCE’ BETWEEN TRUMP, CLINTON IMPEACHMENTS

Borger then reacted to Pelosi’s facial expression to the group of Democrats applauding the first article of impeachment, saying, “that look could kill!”

CNN’s chief political correspondent Dana Bash reported from Capitol Hill that Pelosi’s “look” and “the flick” of her hand were the buzz from the floor, saying the combination of the two “said it all.”

“When she walked by here, oh I don’t know, about 12 hours ago onto the House floor, I asked, ‘How are you feeling,’ and she said, ‘Sad,'” Bash recalled. “That was the tone that she was trying to set, and that was the atmosphere that she wanted around this process that she reluctantly allowed and guided the Democrats through. And so, that is why that moment is so significant because it really encapsulates the kind of leader she is.”

CNN’S JEFFREY TOOBIN DISMISSES OWN NETWORK’S IMPEACHMENT POLL SHOWING SHARP DROP IN SUPPORT AMONG DEMS

Westlake Legal Group Pelosi-CNN CNN panel showers Pelosi with praise after impeachment votes: 'Pitch perfect' Joseph Wulfsohn fox-news/politics/trump-impeachment-inquiry fox-news/politics/house-of-representatives/democrats fox-news/person/nancy-pelosi fox-news/person/donald-trump fox-news/media fox news fnc/media fnc article 5dd47c26-2351-5f37-bdf0-6e12bd87ea15

CNN strongly praised Speaker Nancy Pelosi for her conduct on the day of the House impeachment vote. (House Television via AP, Montage)

CNN senior political reporter Nia-Malika Henderson championed Pelosi’s ability to “wield power” “as a woman.”

“She also understands power, right? I mean, grew up in Baltimore, seeing her father there wield power and then going to California and working her way up there as a woman, which must have been very hard,” Henderson elaborated. “It’s been interesting seeing her in this process as a woman wielding this power.”

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Tapper returned with another round of compliments, pointing to a town hall Pelosi attended on the anti-Trump network.

“I think she actually does feel the gravity of this moment and now that both of these articles of impeachment have been gaveled down, again, let us just take a moment — this has only happened two other times in the United States’ history,” Tapper said. “President Trump has now been impeached on two articles: abuse of power and obstruction of Congress. And, this is a stain that will forever live on his presidency when we’re all long gone, 300, 400, 500 years from now. That might be the only thing people will know about Donald Trump, that he was impeached.”

Westlake Legal Group Pelosi-CNN CNN panel showers Pelosi with praise after impeachment votes: 'Pitch perfect' Joseph Wulfsohn fox-news/politics/trump-impeachment-inquiry fox-news/politics/house-of-representatives/democrats fox-news/person/nancy-pelosi fox-news/person/donald-trump fox-news/media fox news fnc/media fnc article 5dd47c26-2351-5f37-bdf0-6e12bd87ea15   Westlake Legal Group Pelosi-CNN CNN panel showers Pelosi with praise after impeachment votes: 'Pitch perfect' Joseph Wulfsohn fox-news/politics/trump-impeachment-inquiry fox-news/politics/house-of-representatives/democrats fox-news/person/nancy-pelosi fox-news/person/donald-trump fox-news/media fox news fnc/media fnc article 5dd47c26-2351-5f37-bdf0-6e12bd87ea15

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Trump Impeached for Abuse of Power and Obstruction of Congress

WASHINGTON — The House of Representatives on Wednesday impeached President Trump for abuse of power and obstruction of Congress, making him the third president in history to be charged with committing high crimes and misdemeanors and face removal by the Senate.

On a day of constitutional consequence and raging partisan tension, the votes on the two articles of impeachment fell largely along party lines, after a bitter debate that stretched all day and into the evening, reflecting the deep polarization gripping American politics in the Trump era.

All but two Democrats supported the article on abuse of power, which accused Mr. Trump of corruptly using the levers of government to solicit election assistance from Ukraine in the form of investigations to discredit his Democratic political rivals. Republicans were united in opposition. It passed 230 to 197, with Speaker Nancy Pelosi gaveling the vote to a close from the House rostrum.

On the second charge, obstruction of Congress, a third Democrat joined Republicans in opposition. The vote was 229 to 198.

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How Democrats and Republicans Voted on Trump’s Impeachment

See how each House member voted on the articles of impeachment against President Trump.

The impeachment votes set the stage for a historic trial beginning early next year in the Senate, which will have final say — 10 months before Mr. Trump faces re-election — on whether to acquit the 45th president or convict and remove him from office.

Acquittal in the Republican-controlled chamber is likely, but the proceeding is certain to aggravate the political and cultural fault lines in the country that Mr. Trump’s presidency brought into dramatic relief.

On Wednesday, Democrats characterized his impeachment as an urgent action to stop a corrupt president whose misdeeds had unfolded in plain view from damaging the country any further.

“Over the course of the last three months, we have found incontrovertible evidence that President Trump abused his power by pressuring the newly elected president of Ukraine to announce an investigation into President Trump’s political rival,” said Representative Adam B. Schiff, Democrat of California and the Intelligence Committee chairman, who led the impeachment inquiry.

“The president and his men plot on,” Mr. Schiff said. “The danger persists. The risk is real. Our democracy is at peril.”

Video

transcript

House Votes to Impeach Trump

The Democratic-led House of Representatives charged President Trump with abuse of power and obstruction of Congress.

“The yeas and nays are ordered. Members will record their votes by electronic device.” “On this vote, the yeas are 230, the nays are 197. Present is one. Article 1 is adopted. On this vote, the yeas are 229, the nays are 198. Present is one. Article 2 is adopted.”

Westlake Legal Group 18dc-pelosivid-sub-videoSixteenByNine3000 Trump Impeached for Abuse of Power and Obstruction of Congress United States Politics and Government Trump, Donald J Trump-Ukraine Whistle-Blower Complaint and Impeachment Inquiry Russian Interference in 2016 US Elections and Ties to Trump Associates Presidential Election of 2020 Politics and Government Pelosi, Nancy impeachment House of Representatives

The Democratic-led House of Representatives charged President Trump with abuse of power and obstruction of Congress.CreditCredit…Erin Schaff/The New York Times

Far from showing contrition or contemplating resignation, as his predecessors have done in the face of impeachment, Mr. Trump instead offered an indignant defense as the House weighed his fate, raging on Twitter from the White House.

“SUCH ATROCIOUS LIES BY THE RADICAL LEFT, DO NOTHING DEMOCRATS,” the president wrote as the historic debate took place on the other end of Pennsylvania Avenue. “THIS IS AN ASSAULT ON AMERICA, AND AN ASSAULT ON THE REPUBLICAN PARTY!!!!”

Later, as members cast their votes to impeach him in Washington, Mr. Trump took the stage to roars of adulation from his supporters at an arena-style campaign rally in Battle Creek, Mich., where he brushed aside the constitutional confrontation as a “hoax” based on unfounded charges, even as he conceded that it would be a permanent blot on his presidency.

“I’m not worried,” Mr. Trump said. “You don’t do anything wrong and you get impeached. That may be a record that will last forever.”

“But you know what they have done?” he said of Democrats. “They have cheapened the impeachment process.”

Senators, he added, “are going to do the right thing.”

Regardless of the outcome of a Senate trial, the impeachment vote in the House puts an indelible stain on Mr. Trump’s presidency that cannot be wiped from the public consciousness with a barrage of tweets or an angry tirade in front of thousands of his cheering supporters at a campaign rally.

It did not grow out of the two-year investigation into Russian election meddling by Robert S. Mueller III, the special counsel, or the seemingly endless series of other accusations of corruption and misconduct that have plagued his White House: embracing Russian election interference, tax evasion, profiting from the presidency, payoffs to a pornographic film actress and fraudulent activities by his charitable foundation.

Instead, the existential threat to Mr. Trump’s presidency centered around a half-hour phone call in July in which he pressured Ukraine’s president to announce investigations into former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. and other Democrats, at the same time he was withholding nearly $400 million in vital military assistance for the country and a White House meeting.

Congress learned about the call after an anonymous C.I.A. official lodged a whistle-blower complaint in August — pulling a string that helped unravel an effort by the president and his allies to pressure a foreign government for help in smearing a political rival. Over a period of weeks this fall, a parade of diplomats and other administration officials confirmed and expanded on those revelations.

When Congress found out about the scheme and sought to investigate, the president ordered his administration to defy its every request, leading to what the House said Tuesday was a violation of the separation of powers and a de facto assertion by Mr. Trump that he was above the law.

United in their opposition, Republicans accused the Democrats, who fought their way back from political oblivion in 2016 to win the House in 2018, of misusing the power voters had invested in them to harangue a president they never viewed as legitimate by manufacturing a case against him. Though they conceded few of them, they insisted the facts against Mr. Trump nonetheless fell woefully short of impeachment.

“When all is said and done, when the history of this impeachment is written, it will be said that my Washington Democrat friends couldn’t bring themselves to work with Donald Trump, so they consoled themselves instead by silencing the will of those who did, the American people,” said Representative Mark Meadows, Republican of North Carolina.

Through the course of the inquiry, even as Republicans raged against the process and sought to offer benign explanations for Mr. Trump’s conduct, none disputed the central facts that served as its basis: that he asked Ukraine’s president to “do us a favor” and investigate Mr. Biden, a prospective rival in the 2020 campaign, and other Democrats.

Mr. Trump’s impeachment had the potential to change the trajectory of his presidency and redefine an already volatile political landscape. Democrats, including the most vulnerable moderates, embraced the articles of impeachment with the full knowledge that doing so could damage them politically, potentially even costing them control of the House.

The only Democratic dissenters from the abuse of power charge on Wednesday were Representatives Collin C. Peterson of Minnesota and Jeff Van Drew of New Jersey, a freshman who has announced that he will switch parties and become a Republican. Representative Jared Golden of Maine, another centrist freshman, joined them in opposition to the obstruction of Congress charge.

And Representative Tulsi Gabbard of Hawaii, a Democratic presidential contender who has built her reputation as a maverick in her party, voted “present” on both articles.

Republicans tethered themselves closely to Mr. Trump as they have since he took office, yoking their political brands and fortunes to his.

The debate proceeded in historic terms in the well of the House, even as an odd sense of inevitability hung over Washington about Mr. Trump’s fate.

“Today, as speaker of the House, I solemnly and sadly open the debate on the impeachment of the president of the United States,” Ms. Pelosi, dressed in all black, said as debate opened on the articles around noon. “If we do not act now, we would be derelict in our duty. It is tragic that the president’s reckless actions make impeachment necessary. He gave us no choice.”

In the Senate, Mitch McConnell, Republican of Kentucky and the majority leader, has already made clear he views the House’s case as “weak” and would prefer a speedy trial in January that does not call any additional fact witnesses. Doing so increases the likelihood that Congress will simply never hear from several senior government officials with knowledge of the Ukraine matter who avoided House testimony.

Impeachment traces its origins to monarchical England, but the framers of the Constitution confined its use on presidents to rare occasions, when his actions corrupted the public interest for personal ones. Only twice has the House previously impeached a president, Andrew Johnson in 1868 and Bill Clinton 1998. President Richard M. Nixon resigned in 1974 rather than face such a consequence.

Johnson remained in office by a single vote in 1868. Mr. Clinton more soundly beat the charges, with no more than half of the Senate voting for conviction after more than a month of deliberations. The trial of Mr. Trump is likely to reach a similar outcome, but it could do so much more quickly, with some Senate Republicans discussing the possibility that the case could be resolved in little more than a week.

As he did in the face of past accusations, Mr. Trump, 73, railed against impeachment as a “witch hunt” and a “hoax,” attacking his adversaries with a viciousness rarely heard from previous presidents.

“More due process was afforded to those accused in the Salem Witch Trials,” the president seethed in an angry impeachment eve letter to Ms. Pelosi.

In Mr. Trump’s reality, reinforced by the conservative cable news programs that swirl around him throughout the day, his three years in the White House have been more successful than any other. Wednesday’s impeachment intrudes on that, forcing the president and those around him to confront a different narrative, one in which he has — in the words of the articles of impeachment — “betrayed the nation” and acted “in a manner grossly incompatible with self governance and the rule of law.”

“Whether Donald Trump leaves in one month, one year or five years, this impeachment is permanent,” said Representative Ted Lieu, Democrat of California. “It will follow him around for the rest of his life, and history books will record it.”

The absolutist defense by many members of the Republican Party and the partisan nature of Wednesday’s vote underscored the remarkable hold that Mr. Trump, who has never commanded the support of a majority of the nation, has come to have over the party, remaking it in his image.

One Republican, Representative Barry Loudermilk of Georgia, compared Mr. Trump on Wednesday with Jesus Christ, saying that the son of God had been “afforded more rights” by Pontius Pilate than Democrats had given the president.

Democrats’ most fervent supporters have fantasized since Inauguration Day 2017 about impeaching Mr. Trump, an extreme remedy for the ultimate insurgent they believed was shredding American institutions in his self interest. The debate reached a new pitch this year when Democrats reclaimed control of the House after nearly a decade and awaited the results of a two-year Justice Department investigation into whether Mr. Trump’s campaign had conspired with Russia to interfere in the 2016 election.

But as the left pushed harder for Mr. Trump’s ouster, Democratic leaders resisted. “He’s just not worth it,” Ms. Pelosi said in March. The Russia investigation fizzled when the special counsel declined to recommend charges, even though his report detailed at least 10 instances of possible obstruction of justice by Mr. Trump when he tried to thwart the inquiry. By the time lawmakers returned to Washington this fall after a summer break, impeachment appeared all but dead.

Ms. Pelosi’s calculations — and public opinion — shifted abruptly in September, when the C.IA. whistle-blower arrived on the House’s doorstep.

The inquiry it prompted moved with alacrity, even as Democrats did not have an independent counsel or special prosecutor on whose work they could build. Instead, the House Intelligence Committee called senior American diplomats and White House officials for questioning and requested reams of documents.

In private and then in publicly televised hearings — and all in defiance of White House orders — they outlined a wide-ranging attempt by Mr. Trump and his allies to bend United States policy on Ukraine toward carrying out what one former White House official called “a domestic political errand” on the president’s own behalf.

Fueling the obstruction of Congress charge, a dozen more witnesses, some with direct knowledge of Mr. Trump’s actions, were blocked from speaking to investigators and the Trump administration refused to produce a single document under subpoena.

As the facts tumbled out into the open, there were moments when Republicans in the House and Senate flirted with casting their lot against the president. After the acting White House chief of staff said from the White House in October that Mr. Trump had withheld military aid in part to extract at least one politically beneficial investigation from Ukraine, Representative Francis Rooney said he was open to impeachment. But on Wednesday, he joined every Republican in voting no.

Testimony weeks later in November by Gordon D. Sondland, Mr. Trump’s ambassador to the European Union, said that there had been a quid pro quo around a White House meeting and maybe around the foreign aid money prompted momentary fears of a mass defection. It did not materialize.

If anything, the process underscored the extent to which the nation is pulling apart into two, with each side claiming its own news sources and fact sets that make meaningful debate between Democrats and Republicans over the significance of president’s conduct almost impossible. Public opinion polls show the nation is closely divided over Mr. Trump’s impeachment and removal as it was on Election Day 2016.

On Wednesday, neither lawmakers nor aides to Mr. Trump foresaw a resolution.

“We know how this partisan process will end this evening,” said Representative Will Hurd of Texas, one of a handful of Republicans willing to criticize Mr. Trump’s conduct, who is retiring from Congress. “But what happens tomorrow?”

Sheryl Gay Stolberg, Emily Cochrane and Catie Edmondson contributed reporting.

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