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Westlake Legal Group > News Releases (Page 136)

Jennifer Aniston Trolls Jimmy Kimmel With A ‘F**king Friendsgiving’ Dish

Westlake Legal Group 5de0e7b7210000ab9834e767 Jennifer Aniston Trolls Jimmy Kimmel With A ‘F**king Friendsgiving’ Dish

Jimmy Kimmel got his “f**king enchiladas.”

The comedian last year moaned to actor Jennifer Aniston on his late night talk show about how her pre-Thanksgiving bash for her friends (her so-called “Friendsgiving,” which he attended) featured the same food as the main holiday.

Kimmel’s main meal was subsequently like “leftovers,” he said, before suggesting Mexican food as an alternative. 

“Gracias-giving could be a nice thing for us,” he claimed. “Or amigos-giving. Whatever you want to call it. If you start doing it, everyone will follow suit. Just like with your haircuts, everybody gets the same hair.”

Check out the clip here:

One year on, Aniston obliged ― with a spot of trolling.

“Ok, Jimmy Kimmel … here are your f*%king Friendsgiving enchiladas,” she captioned an Instagram post of herself holding the dish on Thursday.

The “Friends” star also created a special “Jimmy’s F**king Enchiladas” sign ― and shared footage of a surprised Kimmel seeing it for the first time.

“Finally, someone listened to me,” he said in the video. 

Scroll across to see the other picture and video:

At least it wasn’t an English trifle

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Violence Scared Off These Islands’ Doctors, Now Health Care Arrives By Boat

LAMU ARCHIPELAGO, Kenya ― The motor sputters to life, kicking up saltwater and spitting a cloud of exhaust into the pre-dawn stillness. 

The captain and his deputy help two doctors from Nairobi, three medical assistants and a nurse climb aboard. They cram themselves among the waterproof boxes packed with vaccines and sterile equipment. As daylight breaks, they’re speeding northeast along the Indian Ocean coast toward some of Kenya’s poorest and most isolated villages, where there are few doctors and locals have little access to health care. 

Westlake Legal Group 5ddfde0d210000787e34e62f Violence Scared Off These Islands’ Doctors, Now Health Care Arrives By Boat

Tojo Andrianarivo The Safari Doctors team packs medicines in boats and travels to remote villages where health care is a luxury.

The team is part of Safari Doctors, a nonprofit that makes monthly trips deep into the Lamu Archipelago on Kenya’s dazzlingly beautiful northern coast. The word “safari” means “to travel” in East Africa’s Swahili language ― and the dozen or so villages the team visits on each trip require a difficult journey. To reach their first destination, the mainland village of Kiangwe, they weave the boat through a maze of channels, mangrove forest and white sand beaches for two hours, then set up a makeshift clinic and treat as many people as they can before moving on, zigzagging across the sea and camping out under the stars for several nights.

“Safari Doctors are the only doctors we see,” said Fatuma Ahmed, 24, a mother of a wailing baby girl, waiting to see the medics in Kiangwe. The nearest hospital is days away ― too far to reach on her own, she said. 

Since 2015, the Safari Doctors group has served a population of subsistence farmers, fishers and herders in a region that borders war-torn Somalia. Regular attacks inside Kenya by the Somali-led militants known as al-Shabab frightened off many of the doctors in Lamu County. Clinics have closed, leaving villagers without the tools they need to avoid diseases such as leprosy and polio. For some of the locals who came to meet the team on their October trip, these free monthly pop-up clinics are the difference between life and death.

Westlake Legal Group 5ddfdc8b210000a0a334e627 Violence Scared Off These Islands’ Doctors, Now Health Care Arrives By Boat

Isabella Carapella for HuffPost Red outline shows approximate area of Safari Doctors’ routes.

“We could walk to Somalia from here,” Harrison Kalu, the team’s nurse, told HuffPost as he carefully put two drops of polio vaccine into the mouth of a crying toddler in Kiangwe. Somalia has struggled to contain a polio outbreak due to low vaccine coverage. The disease spreads quickly among unvaccinated children and can cross country borders with human travelers, warns the World Health Organization. Under these circumstances, the WHO recommends that health professionals in Kenya monitor vulnerable communities and keep distributing vaccines.

“Without vaccinations, people would really suffer,” said Kalu, 67, a former member of the Kenyan navy who has worked as a nurse for almost 50 years. As a staffer for Safari Doctors, he directs the organization’s teams in the field.

It is not only children they help. Everyone from the villages comes to the clinics when the doctors arrive.

“My hands are too sore to work,” said fisherman and farmer Mohammed Adan, showing an infected wound from when he cut himself while hoeing his fields. “If I can’t work, my family will go hungry.”

Westlake Legal Group 5ddfe11c1f0000300edefd44 Violence Scared Off These Islands’ Doctors, Now Health Care Arrives By Boat

Tojo Andrianarivo Harrison Kalu, the nurse for Safari Doctors, leads the group’s teams in the field.

Kalu and his team can see as many as 800 patients on each sailing trip. They stop for only a few hours in each village, setting up their gear inside crumbling community halls or thatch-roof buildings. Outside, families wait in snaking lines for a checkup. In Kiangwe, HuffPost observed that several of the patients who arrived at the clinic were soldiers from Kenya’s army, posted in bush forts to defend against the al Qaeda-aligned al-Shabab insurgents.

Al-Shabab guerrillas, fighting to establish an Islamist state, made international headlines in 2013 for attacking the Westgate shopping mall in Nairobi, killing dozens. But the group had been active in Lamu County in years prior: In 2011, militants kidnapped a French vacationer on Manda Island ― a destination for wealthy foreign tourists. Numerous violent incidents rocked the county for the next several years.

“It was terrifying for my family,” said Faisal Abdi, a farmer and patient at one of the clinics, talking of the times five years ago when al-Shabab was at its most dangerous. “We had to run and hide when the fighting came close.”

Kenyan military forces have pushed much of the insurgent force out of the rural areas and across the border into Somalia.

“These days, things are better, as the army has bases close by,” added Abdi. “But still they [the militants] hide in the forests close by.”

Westlake Legal Group 5ddfe2492500005827d2e8aa Violence Scared Off These Islands’ Doctors, Now Health Care Arrives By Boat

Tojo Andrianarivo Each trip by Safari Doctors takes several days. Before launching their boat, they pack waterproof boxes with medicines and supplies.

The threat from al-Shabab is not completely gone, and the remaining militants know that teams from Safari Doctors visit this area, Kalu told HuffPost.

In one raid on a village the doctors visit, when they stole equipment left by the team for its next trip, the militants asked the community where Kalu the nurse was. “They asked for me by name,” Kalu said.

Still, he said he isn’t ready to stop coming because the need is so great. 

When the violence was at its peak, the local government did what it could to keep medical clinics staffed ― but the Lamu region now has only 10 doctors serving about 150,000 people, according to Safari Doctors.

“Due to the security situation, people did not feel safe to be in some of the areas, so some services closed,” said Dr. Victor Tole, chief officer for medical services in the Lamu government. “People had no other alternative for health care.”

The dearth of rural doctors means that local health workers, who have some medical training (often informal) and a deep knowledge of the community’s needs, rely heavily on Safari Doctors.

“Without Safari Doctors coming every month, I would have had to cope with all the medical problems,” said Omar Mohammed, a community health worker who runs a medicine dispensary serving Kiangwe’s scattered huts. The organization’s visits have “made a big difference to people’s health,” he added. 

Most of the villagers who come to see the Safari Doctors arrive with common ailments ― coughs, colds, cuts and sores. The medical staff performs routine checkups, then screens for more insidious illnesses. 

“I’ve come because my daughter has a high fever,” said Zainab Bakari, a 26-year-old mother of two who spoke to HuffPost. “The doctors here helped my son last year, so I’ve returned with my daughter because she is sick.”

This time, the doctors say it is a stomach infection that will soon clear. But Bakari was right to worry: The area has seen outbreaks of dengue fever and chikungunya, mosquito-borne diseases that can be fatal. There is also the risk of elephantiasis, a painful and disfiguring parasitic disease that causes body parts to swell to unnatural sizes. Even the risk of leprosy remains. Last year, two patients who had the infection got the medicine and were cured, but doctors need to keep a constant eye out for others who may suffer.

Westlake Legal Group 5ddfe4212500004f19d2e8b3 Violence Scared Off These Islands’ Doctors, Now Health Care Arrives By Boat

Clementine Logan Safari Doctors carry supplies ashore at one of the stops on their route. The group sets up mobile clinics in each village for a few hours before moving on to the next stop. Each night, they camp out under the stars with people from the community.

It’s important that people have consistent access to health care to have a chance of preventing outbreaks, Kalu said. “You can’t just come to give health care when there is a big outbreak. At that point, it is too late, and you are dealing with diseases as an emergency.”

If one area does not have health care, diseases can spread unchecked to nearby areas.

“Infections do not have boundaries,” said Dr. Monique Wasunna, Africa director of the Drugs for Neglected Diseases Initiative (DNDi), which develops treatments for patients who otherwise might get no help. 

“Even in remote areas, there is movement in and out, so the communities around are at risk, too ― even if they have preventive measures and primary health care,” added Wasunna, a tropical medicine specialist who is not connected with Safari Doctors.

Umra Omar, 36, who founded Safari Doctors in 2015, grew up on the Lamu Archipelago and returned after completing her studies in the United States. Even before the militant attacks, medical services were not reaching people in Lamu County who needed them most, she said. A majority of people here live in rural areas, while major health care facilities are in places where the population is denser, she said. The same is true across countries in the developing world. Conflict makes travel even riskier.

Westlake Legal Group 5ddfe5832500005827d2e8ba Violence Scared Off These Islands’ Doctors, Now Health Care Arrives By Boat

Safari Doctors On some trips, Safari Doctors travels by wooden dhow — a traditional Indian Ocean ship with a triangle sail — instead of a motorboat. The dhow is slower, meaning the team can’t visit as many villages, but it’s bigger, with room for more supplies and team members.

For those living in the mainland village of Kiangwe, for example, the road to the nearest hospital frequently washes out in the rain. Getting emergency health care means riding on a motorbike for more than a day, an expensive prospect for the villagers. People who live on the islands must take a boat to the mainland first, an even more time-consuming and costly process.  

“Safari Doctors works to fill the gap between the hospitals and health care on the ground,” Omar told HuffPost. 

To get all this done, Omar raises funds for medicines and staff salaries from tourism operators, as well as international donors, including the Canadian government. Many of the professionals who work with Safari Doctors are volunteers. 

The work they do has a ripple effect that spreads far beyond the Lamu region.

“Prevention is better than cure,” Wasunna said, pointing out that the costs of emergency treatment ― in terms of medication, hospitalization and the effect on patients’ families ― are far higher than having teams like Safari Doctors working to stop diseases in the first place.

“It might seem harder to do, but by putting in place preventive measures, you cover a large population,” Wasunna said. “Then people can lead better lives, and they can contribute to the economy. It helps the development of the country for all.”

If it matters to you, it matters to us. Support HuffPost’s journalism here. For more content and to be part of the “This New World” community, follow our Facebook page.

HuffPost’s “This New World” series is funded by Partners for a New Economy and the Kendeda Fund. All content is editorially independent, with no influence or input from the foundations. If you have an idea or tip for the editorial series, send an email to thisnewworld@huffpost.com.

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Everything You Need To Know About The Next Recession

Westlake Legal Group 5d8e5a851e0000a20374a297 Everything You Need To Know About The Next Recession

Don’t ask when the next recession will come. Trust me, nobody knows. I can tell you that the consensus — among those who don’t actually know — is at some point in 2020, probably in time to liven up the presidential election. 

Democrats’ efforts to fight past recessions have been hampered by bipartisan concerns about increasing the federal budget deficit. President Donald Trump has helped to explode that tradition, thanks to his huge, deficit-busting tax cut focused on the rich and his recent promises of a second tax cut. When the next recession arrives, Democrats will have plenty of room to argue that the government should increase spending to juice the economy.

But to win that argument and save the economy from another major crisis, they’ll need to move past their longstanding fear of deficits and get money out the door to help struggling Americans.

What is a recession, anyway?

Let’s back up. First of all, what is a recession? The classic definition is two consecutive quarters of declining gross domestic product, which is the measure of the total value of all goods and services the economy produces. 

Changes in GDP do not exactly coincide with changes in unemployment rates. Unemployment is what’s called a “lagging indicator,” which means it typically begins to rise at some point after GDP has started falling and a recession has commenced.

What are the political implications of a recession?

There are entire populations that, going by economic measurements typical of a recession, are always in “recession.” Unemployment levels considered to connote hair-on-fire disaster on a national scale are normal in minority communities and among unmarried women.

In the most recent “employment situation” release from the Bureau of Labor Statistics, national unemployment was a low 3.6%. Among African Americans, it was 5.4%. That gap is accepted as normal. In the same vein, among families with two married parents in 2018, at least 74.7% had at least one parent who was employed. Among families maintained by women (that means, without a spouse), only 62.9% had an employed parent.

The customary considerations around recession and unemployment are profoundly racist and sexist. The households that are financially underwater even before the bad times are disproportionately made up of people of color and headed by women.

There are different kinds of poverty. One kind is temporary. The other is more permanent and harder to escape — the sort of poverty in which many find themselves year after year, or generation after generation. And the number of people temporarily in poverty is greater than the number usually in poverty. 

That means the economic significance of a recession is distinct from its political significance. In economic terms, a recession pushes many families into financial distress, but it has less impact on people who were already behind the eight ball. In political terms, a recession may mobilize a segment of the population that was otherwise quiescent. This segment is more white, male and Republican than the chronically disadvantaged, a factor that could weigh against Republican electoral fortunes and favor working class-oriented politics in 2020. Misery loves company.

Why do people believe the next recession will come in 2020?

The reason for pointing to 2020 as the next recession year is the abnormally lengthy recovery the economy has been experiencing since the Great Recession of 2008. In other words, it’s been so long without a recession, there must be one coming soon. That may not sound very scientific, but it’s actually the best that economists can do. Otherwise, you can find a cacophony of more or less equally informed commentary arguing one side or the other as to when, or if, a recession will come. 

The periods between recessions began to lengthen after 1982, occasioning triumphant stories of a “great moderation.” Those voices went silent after the great immoderation of 2008. Moderation in this context is a positive thing since it means less fluctuation in a smoothly expanding economy. Fluctuation is undesirable because it’s disruptive and costly, both to families and to businesses. 

There is a quasi-official nonprofit, the National Bureau for Economic Research, that determines the specific dates for the beginnings and ends of recessions. But economic data is only available with a lag. The upshot is that we are always in a recession before we are notified of it. We are never sure it’s coming.

What numbers should we actually watch?

There are some important ways in which the course of the economy may diverge from trends in the well-being of the working class.

In the broadest terms, growth in GDP and employment doesn’t necessarily translate into growth in wages, the main source of income for most of the population. Wages began diverging from productivity in the mid-1970s. U.S. wage growth has been anemic for decades.

Adding insult to injury, even higher wages alone will not fully support the needs of a household. Wages aren’t enough to enable a family to afford health insurance, for example. And a healthy public sector is necessary to provide the basics of safety and infrastructure, including roads in good repair and potable water.

A big flashing red-light distraction in all this is the stock market. The headline numbers ― changes in the main stock market indexes ― are of great interest to the small fraction of the population that owns stock. But trends in the stock market don’t mirror or foretell changes in GDP or wages. To be sure, a recession is not usually good for stock prices, but the wealthy can hire brokers who can make them money whether the market goes up, down or sideways. And of course, if you have a ton of money to begin with, you can always ride out a market decline.

How do you get a broadly shared recovery?

Although the unemployment rate is not terrible at the moment, many Americans’ jobs are precarious. The sorry record of wage stagnation means families have less financial cushion for the next downturn. On top of that, increasing numbers of baby boomers are facing retirement ill-prepared to support themselves. Unemployment benefits have been cut back in some states, and cash public assistance (“welfare”) has been decimated.

But with the deficit once again breaching a cool trillion dollars, the usual legion of deficit scolds has begun to warn us that thanks to Trump’s tax cut profligacy, the federal government will be disarmed in the face of the next recession, unable to spend more money or cut taxes in order to boost the economy.

I — and other economists on the left — would tell you that is wrong. Although unemployment is at a historically low rate of 3.6%, there is still slack in the economy. One sign of this is the fact that the ratio of employed persons to “prime-age workers” (which means people ages 24 to 54) still has a way to rise before it reaches the peak experienced in 2000.

In other words, there is no good reason more people could not be working. Higher employment could be facilitated by an increase in government spending — preferably paying for useful work, but also aiding those unable to work. The leading proposals in this vein are “job guarantee” bills championed by Sens. Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren, Cory Booker and Kamala Harris (all candidates for the Democratic presidential nomination) and a similar measure included in Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s Green New Deal. 

The government could spend money on a job guarantee without the need for immediate or imminent tax increases. How much money it could spend without raising taxes depends on the extent of idle resources in the economy ― those who are seeking work, those who could be drawn back into the labor force, and the dormant industrial capacity that could be fired up in the short term. There is a straightforward signal that shows the economy still has room to grow: the trend in wages.

The long-term stagnation of wages since 2008 (only recently showing a bit of an upturn) is the chief sign that employment is less than “full.” We will know the economy is reaching its limits as far as labor is concerned when inflation — of wages and other costs — starts to increase. The U.S. hasn’t seen excessive inflation for decades. But when it comes to pass, it signals the approach of limits on the expansion of federal spending. We’re not at those limits yet.

So what will Democrats do if they have to respond to a recession?

The fact that there’s room for more government spending doesn’t mean that Democrats will support such spending if they regain full control of the federal government. While much media attention has focused on the rising strength of progressives in the party, many newly elected Democratic members will be likely to identify with centrist “New Democrat” worries about public debt. Some of those members would have been Republicans in a different era.

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi hasn’t indicated that she’s willing to increase deficit spending. She has instead embraced a PAYGO doctrine — the insistence that no spending initiative may be considered unless it is attached to offsetting cuts to spending or increases in taxes. Adhering to that rule could kneecap any Democratic response to the next recession.

If there is a Democratic takeover in 2020, the fumes of anti-Trump ardor will quickly burn out and Democrats will have to govern. If they can’t get past their deficit-related hang-ups, that will be an especially difficult task.

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Nutcracker balloon knocks over Macy’s Thanksgiving Day Parade marcher

Westlake Legal Group balloon-cropped-528am Nutcracker balloon knocks over Macy's Thanksgiving Day Parade marcher Tamar Lapin New York Post fox-news/us/us-regions/northeast/new-york fnc/us fnc d7679c27-0a69-5abb-a7d7-de425385f768 article

This marcher proved too tough to crack.

A balloon handler who tried to swoop in and get a handle on an out-of-control Nutcracker balloon during the Macy’s Thanksgiving Day parade got knocked on her butt by the giant inflatable — but didn’t let it deflate her holiday spirit.

DESPITE COLD, BALLOONS FLY AT MACY’S THANKSGIVING DAY PARADE

The 45-foot tall float on Central Park West near 74th Street could be seen violently swaying in the wind around 10:38 a.m., and handlers struggled to keep a hold on the reigns on the classic Christmas character.

That’s when the brave parade worker rushed the supersized balloon to help.

But she got whacked by the side of the inflatable’s white hair, and fell flat on her back.

CLICK HERE TO GET THE FOX NEWS APP

The woman immediately got back up, and then raced to catch up to the Nutcracker as it continues along the route.

Officials worried earlier in the week that high winds could ground the parade’s famous flight of floats but ultimately decided to allow them to fly.

Click for more from the New York Post

Westlake Legal Group AP19331740125426 Nutcracker balloon knocks over Macy's Thanksgiving Day Parade marcher Tamar Lapin New York Post fox-news/us/us-regions/northeast/new-york fnc/us fnc d7679c27-0a69-5abb-a7d7-de425385f768 article   Westlake Legal Group AP19331740125426 Nutcracker balloon knocks over Macy's Thanksgiving Day Parade marcher Tamar Lapin New York Post fox-news/us/us-regions/northeast/new-york fnc/us fnc d7679c27-0a69-5abb-a7d7-de425385f768 article

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How Kamala Harris’s Campaign Unraveled

WASHINGTON — In early November, a few days after Senator Kamala Harris’s presidential campaign announced widespread layoffs and an intensified focus on Iowa, her senior aides gathered for a staff meeting at their Baltimore headquarters and pelted the campaign manager, Juan Rodriguez, with questions.

What exactly was Ms. Harris’s new strategy? How much money and manpower could they put into Iowa? What would their presence be like in other early voting states?

Mr. Rodriguez offered general, tentative answers that didn’t satisfy the room, according to two campaign officials directly familiar with the conversation. Some Harris aides sitting at the table could barely suppress their fury about what they saw as the undoing of a once-promising campaign. Their feelings were reflected days later by Kelly Mehlenbacher, the state operations director, in a blistering resignation letter obtained by The Times.

“This is my third presidential campaign and I have never seen an organization treat its staff so poorly,” Ms. Mehlenbacher wrote, assailing Mr. Rodriguez and Ms. Harris’s sister, Maya, the campaign chairwoman, for laying off aides with no notice. “With less than 90 days until Iowa we still do not have a real plan to win.”

The 2020 Democratic field has been defined by its turbulence, with some contenders rising, others dropping out and two more jumping in just this month. Yet there is only one candidate who rocketed to the top tier and then plummeted in early state polls to the low single digits: Ms. Harris.

Kelly Mehlenbacher’s Resignation Letter

The state operations director for Kamala Harris’s presidential campaign wrote this resignation letter in November. (PDF, 1 page, 0.31 MB)

Westlake Legal Group thumbnail How Kamala Harris’s Campaign Unraveled Primaries and Caucuses Presidential Election of 2020 Harris, Kamala D   1 page, 0.31 MB

From those polling results to Ms. Harris’s campaign operation, fund-raising and debate performances, it has been a remarkable comedown for a senator from the country’s largest state, a politician with star power who was compared to President Obama even before Californians elected her to the Senate in 2016.

Yet, even to some Harris allies, her decline is more predictable than surprising. In one instance after another, Ms. Harris and her closest advisers made flawed decisions about which states to focus on, issues to emphasize and opponents to target, all the while refusing to make difficult personnel choices to impose order on an unwieldy campaign, according to more than 50 current and former campaign staff members and allies, most of whom spoke on condition of anonymity to disclose private conversations and assessments involving the candidate.

Many of her own advisers are now pointing a finger directly at Ms. Harris. In interviews several of them criticized her for going on the offensive against rivals, only to retreat, and for not firmly choosing a side in the party’s ideological feud between liberals and moderates. She also created an organization with a campaign chairwoman, Maya Harris, who goes unchallenged in part because she is Ms. Harris’s sister, and a manager, Mr. Rodriguez, who could not be replaced without likely triggering the resignations of the candidate’s consulting team. Even at this late date, aides said it’s unclear who’s in charge of the campaign.

Westlake Legal Group 2020-presidential-candidates-promo-1548014688187-articleLarge-v47 How Kamala Harris’s Campaign Unraveled Primaries and Caucuses Presidential Election of 2020 Harris, Kamala D

Who’s Running for President in 2020?

Who’s in, who’s out and who’s still thinking.

With just over two months until the Iowa caucuses, her staff is now riven between competing factions eager to belittle one another, and the candidate’s relationship with Mr. Rodriguez has turned frosty, according to multiple Democrats close to Ms. Harris. Several aides, including Jalisa Washington-Price, the state director in crucial South Carolina, have already had conversations about post-campaign jobs.

Representative Marcia Fudge, who has endorsed Ms. Harris and is a former chairwoman of the Congressional Black Caucus, said in an interview that the senator was an exceptional candidate who had been poorly served by some top staff and must fire Mr. Rodriguez. But she also acknowledged that Ms. Harris bore a measure of responsibility for her problems — “it’s her campaign” — and that the structure she created has not served her well.

“I have told her there needs to be a change,” said Ms. Fudge, one of several women of color who have been delivering hard-to-hear advice to Ms. Harris in recent weeks. “The weakness is at the top. And it’s clearly Juan. He needs to take responsibility — that’s where the buck stops.”

Ms. Harris declined an interview request for this article.

Mr. Rodriguez, in a statement, said: “Our team, from the candidate to organizers across the country, are working day in and out to make sure Kamala is the nominee to take on Donald Trump and end the national nightmare that is his presidency. Just like every campaign, we have made tough decisions to have the resources we need to place in Iowa and springboard into the rest of the primary calendar.”

Ms. Harris is reluctant to make a leadership change within her campaign so late in the race, some aides say, but they describe her as cleareyed about the mistakes she has made and the difficulty of her task ahead. They say she has bought into focusing on Iowa, where her campaign has structured more one-on-one settings for her to woo supporters or at least enjoy herself in otherwise difficult days.

But her troubles go beyond staffing and strategy: Her financial predicament is dire. The campaign has not taken a poll or been able to afford TV advertising since September, and it has all but quit buying Facebook ads in the last two months. Her advisers, after months of resistance, have only now signaled their desire for a group of former aides to begin a super Pac to finance an independent political effort on her behalf.

To some Democrats who know Ms. Harris, her struggles indicate larger limitations.

“You can’t run the country if you can’t run your campaign,” said Gil Duran, a former aide to Ms. Harris and other California Democrats who’s now the editorial page editor of the Sacramento Bee.

Some of her problems have been beyond her control. Health care policy and the identity of the Democratic Party became much-debated issues this year, but she had never given the details of either matter extensive thought as she rose from local prosecutor to California attorney general to the Senate. And her supporters believe that as a black woman, Ms. Harris has run into difficulty with some voters over one of the defining issues of the race: assumptions about who can and cannot defeat President Trump.

Ms. Harris is now attempting a pivot, taking a less scripted approach to campaigning. On a conference call with donors after the last debate in mid-November, Jim Margolis, a senior campaign adviser, pointed to her improved performance as a case study in letting “Kamala be Kamala,” according to one person who participated in the call — a reference to Ms. Harris’s strengths when she is listening to her competitors’ comments and reacting freely.

It was her abundant political skills — strong on the stump, a warm manner with voters and ferocity with the opposition that seemed to spell trouble for Mr. Trump — that convinced many Democrats of Ms. Harris’s potential.

Yet it has come to this: After beginning her candidacy with a speech before 20,000 people in Oakland, some of Ms. Harris’s longtime supporters believe she should consider dropping out in late December — the deadline for taking her name off the California primary ballot — if she does not show political momentum. Some advisers are already bracing for a primary challenge, potentially from the billionaire Tom Steyer, should she run for re-election to the Senate in 2022. Her senior aides plan to assess next month whether she’s made sufficient progress to remain in the race.

“For her to lose California would be really hard and it’s not looking good,” said Susie Buell, a longtime Harris donor from the Bay Area.

The fact that Ms. Harris is now banking on an Iowa-or-bust strategy highlights a major strategic miscalculation early on that set her off on the wrong track.

When she entered the race in January, she bet that the early voting states of Iowa and New Hampshire would matter less to her political fortunes than South Carolina, with its predominantly black Democratic electorate. In this view, a strong showing in South Carolina, which votes fourth, would vault her into racially diverse Super Tuesday states like California that would propel her candidacy.

So for much of the year, she focused on competing against Joseph R. Biden Jr. in South Carolina and beyond. What her campaign did not anticipate was that Mr. Biden would remain strong with many black voters, and that Senator Elizabeth Warren and Mayor Pete Buttigieg would rise as threats in Iowa and New Hampshire.

Then there was Ms. Harris’s campaign message. Extensive polling led her to believe that there was great value in the word “truth,” so she titled her 2019 memoir “The Truths We Hold” and made a similar phrase the centerpiece of her early stump speech: “Let’s speak truth.” But she dropped the saying out of a belief that voters wanted something less gauzy.

Her assumptions about the issues that would inspire Democrats were also muddled: she began running on a tax cut aimed at lower- and middle-income voters and then turned to a pay raise for teachers.

But those proposals also did little to animate voters, especially those riveted by the ambitious policies of Ms. Warren and Senator Bernie Sanders, and before long Ms. Harris was downplaying what were her signature proposals.

For a time, she sought to highlight a pragmatic agenda, about matters she said voters thought about while lying awake at 3 a.m. Today, her aides are given to gallows humor about just how many slogans and one-liners she has cycled through, with one recalling how “‘speak truth’ spring” gave way to “‘3 a.m.’ summer” before the current, Trump-focused “‘justice’ winter.”

From the start, the campaign structure seemed ripe for conflict. Ms. Harris divided her campaign between two coasts, basing her operation in Baltimore but retaining some key advisers in the Bay Area. She bifurcated the leadership between two decidedly different loyalists: her sister, the chair, and Mr. Rodriguez, a trusted lieutenant who had managed her 2016 Senate campaign. Mr. Rodriguez was a central figure at the San Francisco-based consulting firm, SCRB, that had helped direct Ms. Harris’s rise for a decade; all of the firm’s partners were lined up to advise the presidential race.

The two camps were soon competing, each stocked with people who shared a tight bond with Ms. Harris but who regarded each other with suspicion or worse. The setup cost Ms. Harris opportunities to recruit some of her party’s most sought-after outside strategists and left her reliant on a team less experienced in national politics than in California, an overwhelmingly blue state where campaigns often turn on factional infighting within the Democratic Party.

Dan Sena, a former executive director of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, met early with Ms. Harris’s team and came away concerned that they were overly reliant on political thinking shaped in California’s idiosyncratic political system.

“Winning in California requires a different road map, between a top-two candidate system and the expensive TV markets,” Mr. Sena said. “When it comes to winning there is a right way, the wrong way and the California way.”

It was not only political tactics that divided the campaign: In the spring, Maya Harris and the consulting team were at war over whether the senator should embrace or downplay her record as a prosecutor, which some on the left have criticized, a dilemma the campaign has never resolved.

One campaign strategist said it was impossible to tell if Maya Harris was speaking for herself, as an adviser, or as her sister’s representative. She has exercised broad influence over even logistical details of the campaign, like the scheduling of fund-raising events, and over hiring. The uncertainty over who has final signoff has made it more difficult for the campaign to quickly execute decisions and Maya Harris’s dual roles as relative and adviser prompted the candidate’s staff to be more restrained about the advice they offer.

There are also generational fissures. One adviser said the fixation that some younger staffers have with liberals on Twitter distorted their view of what issues and moments truly mattered, joking that it was not President Trump’s account that should be taken offline, as Ms. Harris has urged, but rather those of their own trigger-happy communications team.

In Baltimore, though, the consensus is that the fault lies with Mr. Rodriguez.

Messages from bookkeepers warning of financial strain went unheeded, according to his critics, until cutbacks were inevitable.

When those cuts arrived, Ms. Harris and other members of the senior staff were enraged because they did not know the extent of the layoffs until after they happened. Some aides were informed about the mass firing of New Hampshire staff from junior aides and members of the press rather than Mr. Rodriguez. Ms. Harris called him, infuriated.

Advisers close to Mr. Rodriguez said the cash flow problems were so intense he had to move swiftly and denied he ever disregarded financial warnings. They argued that the animus toward him, first reported by Politico, stems from the raw emotions of staffers seeing their colleagues pushed out.

Some of Ms. Harris’s aides said she had better instincts than her brain trust. One official recalled that during the flight from Oakland to Iowa on the night she announced her campaign in January, Ms. Harris told senior members of her campaign team that she wanted to “go stealth.” However, instead of pursuing retail politics and introducing herself to voters in more intimate settings, as Ms. Harris suggested she preferred, her senior aides determined it was more important to cement herself in the top tier and play for “big, television moments,” as one put it.

“If you go big like that, you’ll never get a real understanding of the American people,” said Minyon Moore, a former senior adviser to Hillary Clinton and a longtime admirer of Ms. Harris. “Because we don’t live up there.”

The organizational unsteadiness of Ms. Harris’s campaign reflects a longtime personal trait, according to allies: she is a candidate who seeks input from a stable of advisers, but her personal political convictions can be unclear.

In June, her gifts and liabilities were both on display. She scored the campaign’s biggest debate moment in her confrontation with Mr. Biden over his record on school busing — but also stepped into a morass of hazy talk on health care and the current desegregation of schools.

“I’m cool with the T-shirts, but you also have to have a strategy,” said Bakari Sellers, a former lawmaker in South Carolina and one of Ms. Harris’s top surrogates there, referring to the merchandise Ms. Harris’s campaign had marketed after that first debate.

On criminal justice, one of Ms. Harris’s calling cards, she did not unveil her own proposals until months after she began meeting with activists. Ms. Harris said she was being deliberate, but several aides familiar with the process said she was knocked off kilter by criticism from progressives and spent months torn between embracing her prosecutor record and acknowledging some faults.

At times, she avoided the topic, even initially rejecting her current campaign slogan, “Justice Is On The Ballot,” when it was presented to her earlier in the summer. At one point during the preparations, tensions flared so high that one senior aide pleaded with the candidate to provide some direction. “You know this stuff better than us!” the aide said, according to those present.

It was hardly the only time Ms. Harris has appeared uneasy or indecisive about whether to go on the offensive. In the July debate, Ms. Harris did not respond sharply to an attack on her prosecutorial record from Representative Tulsi Gabbard of Hawaii, even after Ms. Harris had been prepped for the topic.

On a conference call after the debate, several of Ms. Harris’s donors were alarmed and urged the campaign to strike back at Ms. Gabbard more aggressively, two people on the call said.

Ms. Harris also knew her response had been insufficient, a view quickly reinforced by her advisers. In interviews, many of them point to that debate moment as accelerating Ms. Harris’s decline and are so exasperated that they bluntly acknowledge in private that Ms. Harris struggles to carry a message beyond the initial script.

What she does seem more comfortable with, on the campaign trail and at the November debate, is making the case against Mr. Trump, which is now her core campaign message. After months of uncertainty, she’s back to embracing her role as a prosecutor.

“She should lean into it,” said the radio host Charlamagne tha God, who has campaigned with Ms. Harris in his native South Carolina. “She should say, ‘I’m a prosecutor and Donald Trump is a criminal and I’m going to lock his ass up.’”

The question is whether it’s too late.

Two women arrived at a recent event Ms. Harris held in Mason City, Iowa, torn between supporting her or Mr. Buttigieg, who has emerged as a front-runner in the state.

They were left so dissatisfied, they said, that they now are backing Mr. Buttigieg.

Laurie Davis, one of the voters, said Ms. Harris’s lack of policy specifics in her remarks was disappointing. Asked when she realized she wouldn’t be voting for Ms. Harris, she paused.

“Right now, I guess,” she said. “She lost me today.”

Shane Goldmacher and Jennifer Medina contributed reporting.

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Robin Ganzert: Conan the hero dog and other four-legged military members deserve THIS benefit

Westlake Legal Group 694940094001_6099407197001_6099405229001-vs Robin Ganzert: Conan the hero dog and other four-legged military members deserve THIS benefit Robin Ganzert fox-news/us/military fox-news/opinion fox news fnc/opinion fnc article 65623a6b-1fc7-57f2-9342-8e464ecd85db

Members of the U.S. military deserve our gratitude and appreciation, and have earned the right to medical care following their retirement – including service members who have four legs and a tail.

President Trump honored one of our K-9 military heroes Monday at the White House. The president welcomed Conan, a Belgian Malinois who was injured in October when he chased ISIS leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi into a tunnel in Syria and Baghdadi killed himself and two of his children by detonating his suicide vest.

The president presented a certificate and an award to Conan, who has recovered from his injuries. Trump said: “The dog is incredible … so brilliant – so smart … Conan did a fantastic job. We’re very honored to have Conan here.”

CONAN, DOG INJURED IN AL BAGHDADI RAID, HONORED BY PRESIDENT TRUMP AT WHITE HOUSE

Another Belgian Malinois accompanied Navy SEALs on the 2011 raid that killed Al Qaeda leader Usama bin Laden.

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Of course, most military working dogs don’t meet the president of the United States – but all play a vital role in helping our men and women in uniform defend our nation and themselves.

These dogs sniff our explosive devices better than any human or machine can. They are partners on the battlefield, in law enforcement offices across the country, and in the homes of their handlers.

Working dogs put their lives on the line to keep Americans safe – whether they assist law enforcement or our armed forces. When they retire, they deserve the proper, fully funded medical care that befits their years of service and sacrifice.

Currently, these dogs become the sole responsibility of their new handlers or owners when they retire. The federal government has no dedicated financial support for their medical care.

There are roughly 1,800 military working dogs in active service. Every year about 400 are adopted after retiring.

Rep. Ron Wright, R-Tex., introduced the K-9 Hero Act in the U.S. House on Nov. 14. This legislation empowers the attorney general to cover medical expenses for retired military and law enforcement working dogs.

While Conan’s heroics in chasing down Baghdadi received worldwide news coverage, many other military working dogs are largely unknown. One example is a military working dog named Sgt. Yeager, who was wounded in service to our country.

An improvised explosive device ended Sgt. Yeager’s military career and took the life of his handler, Marine Lance Cpl. Abraham Tarwoe.

Despite participating in over 100 patrols in Iraq and Afghanistan, clearing routes for his fellow Marines and saving uncounted lives, Sgt. Yeager’s medical bills fell on the family that adopted him.

Sgt. Yeager’s story is a testament to the work of K-9 heroes, which is why American Humane honored him as our 2019 Military Hero Dog. Since retiring, he has become an ambassador for Project K-9 Hero Foundation, an organization that pays for 100 percent of the medical bills arising from his injuries.

Across the country, handlers of retired working dogs like Sgt. Yeager have found themselves responsible for medical bills that can cost thousands of dollars annually.

But we need more robust support. The financial barrier to care for retired K-9 heroes could dissuade loving families from adopting them. And providing needed medical care is the least we can do for dogs who worked tirelessly to keep Americans safe.

We already take care of human veterans – the federal government spent more than $70 billion last year on their care. We should be investing more in their care and treatment, but also increasing funding for four-legged heroes.

That’s why Project K-9 Hero Foundation approached Congress for help.

The K-9 Hero Act allocates $5 million a year for these hero dogs – a tiny amount considering the size of the federal budget.

The federal government spends $1.7 billion every year maintaining empty and unused buildings. And printing the Federal Register daily, a document that ends up in trash bins, costs taxpayers $1 million annually.

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And believe it or not, between 2010 and 2014 the National Institutes of Health allocated nearly $875,000 to study the effects of cocaine use in Japanese quail. Specifically, researchers wanted to know how the drug would affect their sexual behavior.

After spending nearly $875,000 on cocaine for birds, surely we can find some money for retired K-9s.

American Humane supports the K-9 Hero Act. As the country’s first national animal welfare nonprofit, we believe America has an obligation to care for the dogs who keep us safe.

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We have worked to support military animals for over 100 years. We encourage everyone who supports this legislation to contact your representatives in Washington and let them know why they should co-sponsor and support the K-9 Hero Act.

These dogs are genuine heroes. Let’s finally treat them that way.

CLICK HERE TO READ MORE BY ROBIN GANZERT

Westlake Legal Group 694940094001_6099407197001_6099405229001-vs Robin Ganzert: Conan the hero dog and other four-legged military members deserve THIS benefit Robin Ganzert fox-news/us/military fox-news/opinion fox news fnc/opinion fnc article 65623a6b-1fc7-57f2-9342-8e464ecd85db   Westlake Legal Group 694940094001_6099407197001_6099405229001-vs Robin Ganzert: Conan the hero dog and other four-legged military members deserve THIS benefit Robin Ganzert fox-news/us/military fox-news/opinion fox news fnc/opinion fnc article 65623a6b-1fc7-57f2-9342-8e464ecd85db

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Warren Wealth Tax Has Wide Support, Except Among One Group

Westlake Legal Group 29survey-facebookJumbo Warren Wealth Tax Has Wide Support, Except Among One Group Warren, Elizabeth United States Economy Taxation SurveyMonkey Presidential Election of 2020 Polls and Public Opinion High Net Worth Individuals Health Insurance and Managed Care Democratic Party

Senator Elizabeth Warren’s plan to tax the assets of America’s wealthiest individuals continues to draw broad support from voters, across party, gender and educational lines. Only one slice of the electorate opposes it staunchly: Republican men with college degrees.

Not surprisingly, that is also the profile of many who’d be hit by Ms. Warren’s so-called wealth tax, which has emerged as the breakout economic proposal in the Democratic presidential primary race.

Nearly a year after Ms. Warren proposed it, the wealth tax has the support of six in 10 Americans, according to a new nationwide poll conducted by the online research firm SurveyMonkey for The New York Times. That support has dipped slightly since July, but Ms. Warren’s plan remains more popular than most proposed tax increases, and its appeal across coalitions is unusual among high-profile campaign proposals.

Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont has also proposed a wealth tax, which would hit more taxpayers than Ms. Warren’s version, and several other candidates have announced their own plans to raise taxes on the rich, with varying degrees of detail.

The other policy plan dominating the primary debate so far — the conversion to a government-financed health care system known as “Medicare for all” — enjoys narrower support that breaks much more cleanly along party lines. Republicans overwhelmingly oppose it. Independents favor it two to one, and Democrats support it by an even higher ratio.

As the Democratic contest barrels toward the first caucuses in Iowa and beyond, the polling continues to show a racial fissure on the subject of the economy, with nonwhite Democrats expressing more concern about their economic situations than white Democrats. Those more anxious voters are less likely to support Ms. Warren, or her wealth tax, a dynamic that could prove consequential as Democrats winnow their field.

Here are three takeaways on Democratic voters, policy proposals and the role of the economy in the campaign.

The wealth tax has lost a few points of support since the last time The Times asked about the issue, in July. But it remains broadly popular, even more so than it was in February. Three-quarters of Democrats and more than half of Republicans say they approve of the idea of a 2 percent tax on wealth above $50 million.

Support for a wealth tax cuts across many of the demographic dividing lines in American politics. Men and women like it. So do the young and the old. The proposal receives majority support among every major racial, educational and income group.

College-educated Republican men, though, disapprove of it by a 15-point margin — though a vast majority of Republican men with college degrees would have a net worth below the tax threshold. (College-educated Republican women approve of the policy by an even wider margin than their male counterparts oppose it.)

One note that might give Republicans pause: The wealth tax is much more popular than the tax-cut package that President Trump signed in 2017, which only 45 percent of Americans in this Times survey said was a good move. That’s a decline from April, when the law was drawing slightly more approval than disapproval.

The movement against the Trump tax cuts since then has been powered, oddly enough, by Republicans. They largely still back the law — by 76 percent over all, compared with 20 percent of Democrats — but that support has dropped six percentage points since April.

The shift appears most pronounced among high-earning Republicans, and it contributes to a striking contrast in tax-plan approval: Americans earning more than $150,000 a year are far more likely to favor a tax increase on the very wealthy than a package of tax cuts that delivered the bulk of its benefits to the rich.

Among Democrats, education has emerged as a key dividing line on economic policy. Ms. Warren’s tax is overwhelmingly popular (86 percent support) with Democratic voters who have graduate degrees. Among voters with a high school diploma or less, the policy is still popular, but meaningfully less so, drawing 75 percent support.

Accordingly, less-educated voters are also less likely to say they favor Ms. Warren on the economy. That fits with other polling that has found the Massachusetts senator struggling to win over voters without a college degree.

Strikingly for a candidate who has put so much emphasis on the economy, Ms. Warren is viewed with caution by voters who care the most about the economy, and by those who are most worried about it. Among Democrats who say they are “very concerned” about losing their job, for example, 15 percent say they would trust Ms. Warren most on the economy out of all the Democratic candidates, compared with 23 percent of other Democratic voters.

Those struggles for Ms. Warren may partly reflect another important divide in the Democratic electorate: race. Black and Hispanic voters tend to rate the economy more highly as an issue than their white counterparts. They are also less likely to trust Ms. Warren on the economy.

Black and Hispanic voters are more likely to choose former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. as the candidate they would trust on the economy. So are voters who say they are concerned about their jobs or their economic prospects. But voters’ preferences don’t fall neatly along ideological lines: Those same groups also tend to give high ratings to Mr. Sanders, who is closer to Ms. Warren than to Mr. Biden on most policy matters.

The survey suggests that the newest member of the Democratic field, former Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg of New York, may have at least a narrow opening with voters on economic issues. About 6 percent of Democrats said they trusted Mr. Bloomberg most on the economy, putting him outside the four-person top tier (Mr. Biden, Ms. Warren, Mr. Sanders and Mayor Pete Buttigieg of South Bend, Ind.) but ahead of the rest of the field.

Mr. Bloomberg drew less support on his handling of health care and international affairs, however. The other late entrant to the race, former Gov. Deval Patrick of Massachusetts, was well outside the top tier of candidates on all three issues. The findings on that question came after Mr. Patrick entered the race and after Mr. Bloomberg filed paperwork for a presidential bid; he formally announced his candidacy later in the month.

Apart from taxes, health care policy has been perhaps the most significant point of disagreement among the Democratic candidates. Among the top tier of candidates, Mr. Sanders and Ms. Warren have emphasized their support for a government-run insurance system that they call Medicare for all, while Mr. Biden and Mr. Buttigieg have argued for less significant changes to the existing system.

Compared with the wealth tax, Medicare for all is a much more partisan issue. Republicans strongly oppose the idea; Democrats even more strongly support it. (Independents support it, too, but by a narrower margin.)

And Medicare for all doesn’t divide Democrats the way the wealth tax does. Democrats of all ages, races and education and levels support the policy by similar margins.


About the survey: The data in this article came from an online survey of 2,672 adults conducted by the polling firm SurveyMonkey from Nov. 4 to Nov. 11. A supplemental survey of 2,489 adults was conducted from Nov. 14 to Nov. 17 to collect more data on opinions of the Democratic candidates; that survey did not ask about taxes or health care policy.

In both cases, SurveyMonkey selected respondents at random from the nearly three million people who take surveys on its platform each day. Responses were weighted to match the demographic profile of the population of the United States. The primary survey has a modeled error estimate (similar to a margin of error in a standard telephone poll) of plus or minus three percentage points, so differences of less than that amount are statistically insignificant.

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Stuck with Thanksgiving leftovers? Here’s 5 unexpected ways to serve surplus mashed potatoes

At the end of every Thanksgiving celebration, there’s always that one aunt who insists on sending you home with the leftovers.

“What am I gonna do with all these potatoes?!” she asks nobody in particular. “Your uncle and I can’t possibly finish all this food!” she adds, usually while fumbling around in a drawer of plastic containers she’s been saving for this exact purpose.

HOW A HUNTER COOKS A WILD TURKEY

A moment later, when she finishes scooping an ungodly amount of mashed potatoes into a gigantic plastic tub that once held margarine, she’ll hand it over, kiss you on the cheek, and send you on your way.

So what are you gonna do with all those potatoes, huh? Well, it’s quite simple, really. You’ll do this:

Make Mashed Potato Waffles

Westlake Legal Group MashedHalfBakedHarvest Stuck with Thanksgiving leftovers? Here's 5 unexpected ways to serve surplus mashed potatoes Michael Bartiromo fox-news/food-drink fox news fnc/food-drink fnc d5354c1b-f641-5dc6-b510-70b30c651f3f article

(Half Baked Harvest)

With just a few extra binding ingredients, Tieghan from Half Baked Harvest turns a bowl of surplus spuds into hearty mashed potato waffles. (A similar trick works works for leftover stuffing, too.) She even shares a bonus recipe for turning those waffles into waffle melts, which you can fill with your other, less waffle-maker-friendly leftovers.

Make Mashed Potato Pancakes

Westlake Legal Group MashedJustaTaste Stuck with Thanksgiving leftovers? Here's 5 unexpected ways to serve surplus mashed potatoes Michael Bartiromo fox-news/food-drink fox news fnc/food-drink fnc d5354c1b-f641-5dc6-b510-70b30c651f3f article

Not a waffle person? Fine. Kelly at Just a Taste fries up golden-brown mashed potato pancakes you can try instead. Top them off with sour cream, cranberry sauce, ketchup, scallions, or anything else your waffle-hating heart desires. Click here for the recipe.

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Make Mashed Potato Soup

Westlake Legal Group mashedLemonsforLulu Stuck with Thanksgiving leftovers? Here's 5 unexpected ways to serve surplus mashed potatoes Michael Bartiromo fox-news/food-drink fox news fnc/food-drink fnc d5354c1b-f641-5dc6-b510-70b30c651f3f article

(Lemons for Lulu)

Tanya at Lemons for Lulu thickens her creamy spud soup with leftover mashed potatoes, which means you could technically call it a chowder if you really wanted to. “You could even add leftover turkey if you like,” Tanya writes on the recipe page.

Make Mashed Potato Pizza

Westlake Legal Group MashedMacheesmo Stuck with Thanksgiving leftovers? Here's 5 unexpected ways to serve surplus mashed potatoes Michael Bartiromo fox-news/food-drink fox news fnc/food-drink fnc d5354c1b-f641-5dc6-b510-70b30c651f3f article

(Macheesmo)

You can put almost anything on a pizza, and Nick at Macheesmo does. Inspired by a pie he once tried at a New Haven eatery, Nick uses his leftovers to whip up a garlicky mashed potato pizza with shaved brussels sprouts and crumbled bacon. Check out the recipe here.

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Make Fried Mashed Potato Balls 

Westlake Legal Group MashedDamnDelicious Stuck with Thanksgiving leftovers? Here's 5 unexpected ways to serve surplus mashed potatoes Michael Bartiromo fox-news/food-drink fox news fnc/food-drink fnc d5354c1b-f641-5dc6-b510-70b30c651f3f article

(Damn Delicious)

If there’s a food on this planet that doesn’t benefit from being rolled into a ball and deep-fried, we haven’t heard of it. Food blogger Chungah at Damn Delicious seems to feel the same way, which is why she created this “loaded” mashed potato ball recipe from last night’s leftovers.

Westlake Legal Group mashedpotatopizza_0 Stuck with Thanksgiving leftovers? Here's 5 unexpected ways to serve surplus mashed potatoes Michael Bartiromo fox-news/food-drink fox news fnc/food-drink fnc d5354c1b-f641-5dc6-b510-70b30c651f3f article   Westlake Legal Group mashedpotatopizza_0 Stuck with Thanksgiving leftovers? Here's 5 unexpected ways to serve surplus mashed potatoes Michael Bartiromo fox-news/food-drink fox news fnc/food-drink fnc d5354c1b-f641-5dc6-b510-70b30c651f3f article

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The Best Black Friday TV Deals To Watch For

The Best Black Friday TV Deals Of 2019 To Watch Out For | HuffPost Life

FYI, HuffPost may receive a share from purchases made via links on this page. Some Cyber Week deals are time sensitive, so prices are subject to change

Westlake Legal Group 5dc342e5200000e84b507f3e The Best Black Friday TV Deals To Watch For

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Tune in to these TV savings.

Whether you’re still binge-watching your favorite shows from your laptop or just want to upgrade your current movie night situation, the best time of year to get a new TV for a deep discount is Black Friday and Cyber Monday.

Retailers like Walmart, Target, and Amazon are offering serious savings on smart TVs, 4K TVs and QLED TVs of all sizes between Thanksgiving and Cyber Monday. We’ve seen a 40-inch Roku Smart TV for as low as $98 and a state-of-the-art Samsung 65-inch Smart 4K UHD HDR TV for $220 off.

If you’re not sure where to start, but know you’re in the market for a new TV this holiday season, we’ve rounded up some of the best TV deals we’ve spotted for across lack Friday and Cyber Monday.

Take a look below:

onn. 40-inch Class 1080p Roku Smart TV

Walmart

Samsung 75-inch Class 4K UHD TV with HDR

Best Buy

Philips 65-inch Class 4K Ultra HD Android Smart LED TV

HuffPost

TCL 65-inch Roku 4K UHD HDR Smart TV

Target

You’ll definitely want to Netflix and chill on those wintery nights ahead when you have this TCL Roku TV. It has access to over 500,000 movies and TV episodes. Now, you’ll just have to decide what to watch next. Originally $750, get it for $400 at Target.

VIZIO 40-inch Smart UHD HDR TV

Target

Featuring VIZIO’s SmartCast 3.0 with Apple AirPlay 2 support and Chromecast Built-in, streaming, controlling, and sharing your favorites has never been easier— no extra streaming devices or remotes needed. And every V-Series makes a great smart home companion, with voice control support for Siri, Google Assistant, and Amazon Alexa. Originally $250, get it for $200 at Target.

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Westlake Legal Group p?c1=2&c2=6723616&c3=&c4=&c5=&c6=&c15=&cj=1 The Best Black Friday TV Deals To Watch For

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Black Friday 2019: The Holiday Shopping Season Begins

Westlake Legal Group 29blackfriday1-facebookJumbo Black Friday 2019: The Holiday Shopping Season Begins Shopping and Retail Luxury Goods and Services E-Commerce Black Friday and Cyber Monday (Shopping)

In the age of e-commerce, Black Friday can feel like an anachronism. But don’t be fooled. The Friday after Thanksgiving remains enormously important — at least symbolically — to the retail industry. And millions of shoppers will still be out in stores, working off that turkey and stuffing by racing to find the best deals.

Many others will simply stay at home, content to cruise the internet to do their shopping. Whether it’s in stores or online, our reporters will be covering it here, with a little help from our friends at The Wirecutter.

It’s hard to think of a better time to be a shopper. There’s one-day delivery, online purchases with in-store pick up, even $17 cocktails served while you shop for shoes.

Retailers are trying to be all things to all shoppers, but it is proving to be a tough and, some say, unsustainable way to run their business. The more money retailers invest in new initiatives to boost sales, the more their profit margins seem to shrink.

Dozens of retailers have warned that profits in the all-important fourth quarter, which includes holiday sales, are likely to be lower than previously expected.

Amazon is driving a lot of this pain, as old-school retailers try to catch up with the online giant, which sets the standard for speed and convenience.

-Michael Corkery

When Barneys, the iconic Manhattan department store, was sold for pieces last month, it marked the end of an era in New York retailing. It also set the hearts of consumers racing, as talk of an unprecedented liquidation sale swirled. What sorts of deals could be had on cashmere? Would Gucci be in the bargain bin?

Alas, consumers have since been disappointed. Barneys’ liquidators — led by B. Riley Financial’s Great American Group — have largely limited the discounts to just 5 percent or 10 percent off the chain’s luxury wares. Twitter has been rife with incredulous shoppers. “I just checked out Barneys New York closing down sale and socks are $97,” one user wrote. Another remarked that they needed more than 10 percent off, noting, “This is like a rich folks sale.”

This week, however, B. Riley said it would deepen discounts at Barneys beginning on Wednesday, for an average of 30 to 35 percent off items throughout the weekend. It promised additional promotions for in-store shoppers. There’s a chance that will spur consumers into action — though shoppers may continue to wait for even bigger discounts during December, as the liquidators will have to offload all of the inventory at some point.

-Sapna Maheshwari

Though you’d think now is when you’ll find the best deals on, well, everything on your wish list, The Wirecutter Deals team has found that’s not exactly the case.

If you’ve got your eye on big exercise equipment, mattresses, or organizational products, you’re better off waiting a few months for more impressive price drops. Treadmills and ellipticals, for example, almost always see better discounts in January. So do items for maximizing storage, like bins and dividers, just in time to help people achieve their resolutions. Mattresses from online brands, on the other hand, see a drop in prices during Presidents’ Day sales in February.

Other things to steer clear of this Black Friday are not so much specific products as they are ideas you may be susceptible to, like buying in bulk or buying something you already have just because the price is good. Both are better in theory than they are in practice: Very few people actually need 40 snack bags of Cheetos or a third Bluetooth speaker, no matter how badly they’re tempted.

-Elissa Sanci

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com