web analytics
a

Facebook

Twitter

Copyright 2015 Libero Themes.
All Rights Reserved.

8:30 - 6:00

Our Office Hours Mon. - Fri.

703-406-7616

Call For Free 15/M Consultation

Facebook

Twitter

Search
Menu
Westlake Legal Group > Presidential Election of 2020 (Page 18)

At Trump Rally, Chants of ‘Send Her Back’ as President Attacks Liberals

Westlake Legal Group 17dc-trump-hp-facebookJumbo At Trump Rally, Chants of ‘Send Her Back’ as President Attacks Liberals United States Politics and Government Trump, Donald J tlaib, rashida Republican Party Pressley, Ayanna Presidential Election of 2020 Presidential Election of 2016 Omar, Ilhan Ocasio-Cortez, Alexandria Greenville (NC)

GREENVILLE, N.C. — President Trump road-tested his attacks on four Democratic congresswomen on Wednesday, casting them as avatars of anti-American radicalism and reiterating his call for them to leave the country, as a raucous crowd chanted, “Send her back! Send her back!”

The performance here was a preview of a slash-and-burn re-election strategy that depicts Mr. Trump as a bulwark against a “dangerous, militant hard left.”

“These left-wing ideologues see our nation as a force for evil,” Mr. Trump told a packed arena. To roaring applause, he railed against what he called “hate-filled extremists who are constantly trying to tear our country down.”

“They don’t love our country,” he said. “I think, in some cases, they hate our country. You know what? If they don’t love it, tell them to leave it.”

In recent days, similar comments by Mr. Trump have been met with repugnance across the country. But the capacity crowd in an arena at East Carolina University seemed to savor them. After Mr. Trump reeled off several controversial comments made by one of the four congresswomen, Representative Ilhan Omar of Minnesota, including ones that he depicted as sympathetic to Al Qaeda, the crowd started its “Send her back” chant, which could become the 2020 rejoinder to 2016’s “Lock her up!”

It was the latest sign that the president’s plan for winning a second term in office involves playing to racial and nationalist themes that shock the consciences of many Americans, but which seem to delight his most ardent supporters.

Mr. Trump doubled down with relish on his previous calls for the congresswomen — Ms. Omar, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York, Rashida Tlaib of Michigan and Ayanna S. Pressley of Massachusetts — to “go back” to their countries of origin, even though all but one were born in the United States and all four are citizens. It left no doubt that he was undaunted by furious condemnations of his remarks as racist, including a Tuesday vote by the House.

As his raucous audience booed repeatedly at his mentions of the women, the atmosphere had echoes of a pro-wrestling match at which the crowd thrills in its collective disdain for the villain of the moment.

Wednesday night’s event was billed as a “Keep America Great” rally — a boastful variant of Mr. Trump’s 2016 campaign slogan, “Make America Great Again.”

“Big Rally tonight in Greenville, North Carolina,” the president tweeted early Wednesday, saying he would play up economic growth and the booming stock market in a state that has narrowly tilted right in the past two presidential contests.

Many Republicans, including some of Mr. Trump’s advisers, wish he would stick to those themes, saying they think that he is overshadowing an economic success story by engaging in name-calling and divisive cultural clashes. Some feel that his relentless focus on immigration and other nationalist themes before last November’s midterm elections alienated suburban swing voters and helped enable Democrats to win the House.

But while the president did devote time to the nation’s recent economic growth, and took credit for data showing that China’s gross domestic product is growing at its slowest rate in 27 years, he was most animated when attacking his Democratic rivals, particularly Ms. Omar, Ms. Ocasio-Cortez, Ms. Tlaib and Ms. Pressley, who are collectively known as “the squad.”

Mr. Trump denounced Ms. Ocasio-Cortez for branding federal migrant detention centers along the southwestern border “concentration camps,” saying she had, in effect, called border agents Nazis. And he recalled the way Ms. Tlaib had used what he called a “vicious” expletive when she vowed in January that Mr. Trump would be impeached.

“That’s not somebody that loves our country,” the president said.

Mr. Trump also ridiculed the 2020 Democratic presidential candidates, like mocking the name of Pete Buttigieg, the mayor of South Bend, Ind., and saying that former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. had “choked” in the last Democratic primary debate after Senator Kamala Harris of California challenged him on the issue of busing.

Depicting the 2020 Democrats as a hapless and left-wing lot, Mr. Trump delivered what may have been his core pitch: “Tonight, we renew our resolve that America will never be a socialist country. A vote for any Democrat in 2020 is a vote for the rise of radical socialism and the destruction of the American Dream — frankly, the destruction of our country.”

Mr. Trump also boasted about an afternoon vote in the House on a resolution to impeach him that had been introduced by Representative Al Green, Democrat of Texas. The measure, opposed by House Democratic leaders wary of a potential backlash, failed 332 to 95.

“We just received an overwhelming vote against impeachment, and that is the end of it,” Mr. Trump said after his arrival to the rally. “Let the Democrats now go back to work.” The vote did not preclude the possibility of future impeachment action.

Mr. Trump first announced the rally shortly after House Democrats set Wednesday as the date for the former special counsel, Robert S. Mueller III, to testify about his report on Russian election interference. That was widely seen as an effort by the president to counterprogram that testimony, which has since been delayed.

During his speech on Wednesday, he only briefly mentioned the investigation, denouncing it as “a hoax,” and never mentioned Mr. Mueller.

Mr. Trump carried North Carolina in 2016 with 49.8 percent of the vote to Hillary Clinton’s 46.2 percent. The state also voted Republican, for Mitt Romney, in 2012, after Barack Obama won it narrowly in 2008.

In his remarks before leaving Washington, the president responded to a question about Ms. Omar, who has faced scrutiny for filing tax records with her first husband while legally married to her second.

An investigation of public records and state documents by The Minnesota Star Tribune last month could not substantiate a claim circulated online — and which Ms. Omar has denied — that her first husband was her brother, whom she allegedly married for immigration benefits.

Mr. Trump accepted the opportunity to weigh in on the subject.

“There’s a lot of talk about the fact that she was married to her brother,” the president said, stating as fact something that is unproved. “I know nothing about it,” he said, adding that “I’m sure that somebody would be looking at that.”

Ms. Omar, for one, stood firm in the face of the vitriol the president and his supporters had directed at her.

Shortly after Mr. Trump’s rally ended, she retweeted a comment by Jon Favreau, a former speechwriter for President Barack Obama, saying that the crowd’s chant of “Send her back!” was “one of the most chilling and horrifying things I’ve ever seen in politics.”

Above that statement, she quoted the poet Maya Angelou, writing in part: “You may kill me with your hatefulness, But still, like air, I’ll rise.”

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

Pete Buttigieg Is Still Figuring This Out

It was a humid Sunday in June, a quiet afternoon that Pete Buttigieg knew would not remain quiet. “You know, there are always going to be ups and downs,” the 37-year-old mayor of South Bend, Ind., told me as he puttered through the kitchen of the century-old Victorian home he shares with his husband of a year, Chasten. “You can’t just have an uninterrupted meteoric rise,” he said.

Buddy and Truman, the Twitter-certified “First Dogs of South Bend,” were lounging on hardwood floors as Buttigieg poured coffee into a mug and settled in at his dining-room table. In a few hours, he would be speaking to a noisy town hall at Washington High School, on his city’s predominantly black west side, where he would be called upon — shouted upon — to answer questions about what the cable networks had variously called “Mayor Pete’s Crisis at Home” and the “Nightmare in South Bend.” A week before, a white South Bend Police officer, Sgt. Ryan O’Neill, shot a 54-year-old African-American man, Eric Logan, after the officer responded to a report of a suspicious person going through cars in the parking lot of an apartment complex. O’Neill claimed that Logan approached him with a knife, but his body camera was turned off, so there was no footage to back up his account. Logan was later pronounced dead at Memorial Hospital in South Bend.

The killing set off days of protest aimed at the local police, city officials and Buttigieg, whose unlikely surge into the top tier of Democratic presidential candidates had been blunted by ambivalence from African-American voters, among whom he had been polling close to zero nationally, even before the shooting. No shortage of pundits offered theories on Buttigieg’s “black problem,” as the former chairwoman of the Congressional Black Caucus, Marcia Fudge, called it in The Daily Beast after the incident. They posited some combination of Buttigieg’s lesser name recognition; the reluctance of more socially conservative blacks to embrace an openly gay candidate; and the perception that the Harvard- and Oxford-bred sensation was just another privileged white politician in a hurry.

But Buttigieg has also had a fraught relationship with the black community of South Bend for much of his eight years as mayor, especially over matters of policing — a fact that the national media, after months of laudatory coverage of Buttigieg’s mayoral successes, now began to understand. Up to that point, Buttigieg had mostly confronted race-related questions from a safe, aspirational remove. He was quizzed at a Fox News town hall in New Hampshire a few weeks earlier (by a white woman from Vermont) about what he would do to better reach voters of color; the host, Chris Wallace, cited a poll showing that less than 1 percent of nonwhite primary voters supported him. “It’s a really important strategic but also ethical question for our campaign,” Buttigieg ruminated.

He has quoted the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. (“Dr. King”) and shared lofty-sounding ideas like his “Douglass Plan” (‘to improve black American prosperity”). He is diligent about promising his friendly white crowds that he understands the urgency of civil rights as an unrealized national goal. “Racial inequality,” he assures his audiences, “either will be solved in our lifetime or it will blow apart the American project.”

Image<img alt="

Pete Buttigieg gives a speech in Fresno, Calif.

” class=”css-1m50asq” src=”https://static01.nyt.com/images/2019/07/21/magazine/21mag-Buttigieg-image-04/21mag-Buttigieg-image-04-articleLarge.jpg?quality=75&auto=webp&disable=upscale” srcset=”https://static01.nyt.com/images/2019/07/21/magazine/21mag-Buttigieg-image-04/21mag-Buttigieg-image-04-articleLarge.jpg?quality=90&auto=webp 600w,https://static01.nyt.com/images/2019/07/21/magazine/21mag-Buttigieg-image-04/21mag-Buttigieg-image-04-jumbo.jpg?quality=90&auto=webp 1024w,https://static01.nyt.com/images/2019/07/21/magazine/21mag-Buttigieg-image-04/21mag-Buttigieg-image-04-superJumbo.jpg?quality=90&auto=webp 2048w” sizes=”((min-width: 600px) and (max-width: 1004px)) 84vw, (min-width: 1005px) 80vw, 100vw” itemprop=”url” itemid=”https://static01.nyt.com/images/2019/07/21/magazine/21mag-Buttigieg-image-04/21mag-Buttigieg-image-04-articleLarge.jpg?quality=75&auto=webp&disable=upscale”>

Pete Buttigieg gives a speech in Fresno, Calif.

CreditAngie Smith for The New York Times

Buttigieg has a knack for reducing the intractable issues of American life to some academic-sounding “project,” as if racial inequality were just another puzzle for the smart kids at McKinsey — where Buttigieg worked as a consultant after college — to solve. He is also deft about acknowledging that this is exactly what he is doing: noting his own privileged detachment as he is exercising it. “There’s a certain luxury associated with being able to step back and be analytical about any of this,” Buttigieg told me. I had been checking in periodically with Buttigieg through the spring, a period in which said “meteoric rise” would accelerate in earnest. A video clip of him speaking Norwegian was bouncing across social media; the novel concept of supporting “a Maltese-American left-handed Episcopalian gay war veteran mayor millennial,” as he described himself, was proving irresistible to a certain sector of the educated white electorate. He seemed to be living on late-night TV couches when he was not delighting photo-hungry, check-writing crowds. They were not only learning how to pronounce “BOOT-edge-edge” but also chanting the eye-chart name and wearing it on phonetic-spelling T-shirts that I saw several people sporting at a small-donor fund-raiser in Minneapolis in early May. “I see Pete Buttigieg as more of a healer-warrior, and there’s an absence of vitriol with him,” Dave Dvorak, a physician I met there, told me. “And maybe that’s what we need.”

[Read about Buttigieg’s life in the closet.]

The luxury of Buttigieg’s safe remove ended with the shooting of Eric Logan. The mayor woke to the news before dawn on June 16 — Father’s Day, the first since his own father, Joseph Buttigieg, a Maltese immigrant, died in January. That scrambled Buttigieg’s plan to take Sunday off in New York with Chasten to celebrate their first wedding anniversary, which also fell on that day. “The first thing you hear is that there was an officer-involved shooting, which is bad but not the first time it’s happened,” Buttigieg recounted a week later. “Then you hear the guy’s in surgery, then you realize, O.K., he may not live. Then you hear the deceased is black and the cop is white. And you keep getting bits of information, some of it accurate, some you’ve got to run down. And it didn’t take long to realize I needed to get home.”

Buttigieg made his way back to South Bend on Sunday, canceling a Monday appearance at an L.G.B.T.Q. gala in Manhattan and fund-raising events in California that Tuesday and Wednesday. He had planned a return to South Carolina, where the state’s Democratic Party was holding its convention in Columbia, that Friday and Saturday. The weekend featured the World Famous Fish Fry, a sweaty mob scene of a tradition hosted by Representative Jim Clyburn of South Carolina, the House majority whip and the highest-ranking African-American member of Congress, and attended by nearly all of the Democratic presidential hopefuls. But the fish fry conflicted with a hastily scheduled Justice for South Bend march through downtown to honor Logan.

Buttigieg had very much wanted to be in South Carolina, the early-voting state in which 60 percent of the party’s primary electorate is African-American — the place, as Buttigieg put it, “where most Democratic candidates try to find their voice on race.” Instead, South Bend’s black community was calling for the mayor to stay home and listen. “You got a plane to catch somewhere?” one angry rally-goer yelled at the grounded candidate, one of many who would taunt his higher ambitions. Here was Buttigieg being laid low by the same riddle of race relations in America that has stymied generations of well-meaning progressive mayors that came before him.

“You can seek to do the right thing,” Buttigieg said, “and be reasonably confident you made the less bad choice and get your ass handed to you all the same.” That was the nature of being a mayor, he added — a far more tactile and hands-on job than, say, being a member of Congress, for whom running for president would not necessarily entail more than missing a few floor votes. “A lot of it is just being there to absorb a lot of pain,” Buttigieg said of his ultimate decision to attend the rally in South Bend. “It’s not like Eric Logan’s mother is going to be happy about anything we come up with.”

“I’ve been here my whole life, and you all don’t do a damn thing about me or my son or none of these people out here,” Logan’s mother, Shirley Newbill, told Buttigieg at the rally. Latisa McKinney, an African-American woman from South Bend told me at the town hall there on Sunday: “Ain’t nothing gonna change for us. Ain’t nothing gonna change for us after Mayor Pete’s gone, either.” It was maybe some small solace to Buttigieg that even a frustrated constituent respected his brand, taking care to address him by his folksy small-town moniker, “Mayor Pete.”

“You can seek to do the right thing,” Buttigieg said, “and be reasonably confident you made the less bad choice and get your ass handed to you all the same.”CreditAngie Smith for The New York Times

Some of Buttigieg’s giddier supporters and profilers have likened him to Barack Obama, not just in his appeal to a new generation of political consumers but also in his intent to create a new way of thinking and discussing politics. He is the next level of anti-politician politician, quintessentially political but running against what he sees as the counterproductive outrage that seems to have taken hold in American politics, particularly in the Trump era. “Our response is going to be to model something completely different,” Buttigieg told me.

And indeed, he possesses an Obama-like ability to wield cool detachment — impassioned and remote at the same time, calmly in a rush. Even his execution of the necessary and grubby candidate activities, like fund-raising, has an earnestly above-it-all air. “Hey,” he began a blast email appeal to his supporters on the eve of the last Federal Election Commission fund-raising deadline. “You know that we don’t subscribe to inauthentic urgency here at Pete for America. That’s not why we’re here. We are here to build trusted relationships.” He then hit up his “trusted relationships” for donations.

[Read about the 23 Democratic candidates running for president.]

Like most presidential candidates, Buttigieg published a book on the eve of his candidacy, part blueprint and part memoir of an ordinary and yet extraordinary life. Unlike most candidates’ books, “Shortest Way Home” is actually a decent read and even seems to have been written by the candidate himself (he confirmed this). In it, Buttigieg describes his rampage through the checkpoints of American high achievement. The son of Notre Dame professors, he attended Harvard, Oxford on a Rhodes scholarship, worked at McKinsey & Company, served as an intelligence officer in the United States Navy Reserves and was deployed in Afghanistan while serving as mayor of his hometown, an office that he was elected to in 2011 at age 29. Beyond the author himself, South Bend is the unquestioned star of the book, the main instrument through which the protagonist tells his coming-of-age story. He purchased his creaky old home, built in 1905, and renovated it himself over two years in the late ’00s. It sits across West North Shore Drive from the swelling waters of the St. Joseph River — a river “in a hurry to get somewhere,” as Buttigieg characterizes it, or projects upon it.

He describes how he first imagined leading an “administration that ran on business principles without abandoning its public character.” Initially, he disdained the ceremonial tasks that filled a mayor’s schedule: the ribbon cuttings, holiday tributes and solemn remembrances. “Shaped by my consulting background, I arrived in office wanting to get concrete, measurable things done,” Buttigieg writes. Eventually, he would learn to embrace that part of the job, equating the simple act of representing a city to a kind of moral position. “The value was not in the cleverness of what I had to say but simply the fact of my being there,” he writes. “Introvert that I am, I even came to love a good parade.”

No sitting mayor has ever been elected president; it’s rare they even seek the office at all, much less from a jurisdiction as little as South Bend, the fourth-largest city in Indiana. Yet the smallness of the town — its flyover-country coordinates, familiar mostly via Notre Dame football on TV — lends it an allegorical credibility. “The Bend” could be anywhere, and that’s the point. In the telling of its most famous current resident, South Bend’s story became an accessible, replicable tale of a proud city that was in touch with its history and confident enough in its future that its mayor was not promising to make anything great again.

Betsy Hodges, a former mayor of Minneapolis and a friend and supporter of Buttigieg, points out that the current president makes a particularly rich foil for a small-town mayor’s story. “I think the Trump agenda and Trump demeanor have increased our capacity to dehumanize one another,” she told me. Social media, she added, has already accelerated this tendency to become detached and alienated from our communities and leaders. In this regard South Bend is small enough to model a civic compact, dramatizing how politicians and people and places should relate to one another. “A mayor’s main agenda is to never forget that a policy is at its core about people,” Hodges said.

This can work in both directions, naturally, and reality does tend to assert itself in unpleasant ways, as inevitably as potholes. “There is tremendous accountability that goes with being a mayor,” said Dan Pfeiffer, a former campaign and White House aide to Barack Obama who is unaffiliated with any 2020 candidate. “Every turd tends to land on your doorstep. And everyone knows where your doorstep is.”

“This hurts,” Buttigieg told me at his home before heading out to the town hall to discuss Eric Logan. “This really hurts.” He seemed to be straining to convince me, acknowledging that he is not always “symptomatic” in exhibiting emotion. He got mixed reviews from theater-critic pundits who found his “performance” at previous Logan-related events to be lacking on the Bill Clinton scale of “I feel your pain” empathy-showing. This is not a new critique of Buttigieg, who has quite clearly contemplated the subject. “I think a lot of time when people are talking about what they want to see you do emotionally, what they really are asking is that they want you to make them feel a certain way.”

He looked momentarily excited, as if a small epiphany had just struck him. “A mayor is sometimes described as having a role of a pastor and a commander in chief all in one,” he told me. “Pastors aren’t always the most emotional, although interestingly it’s certainly an important part of black tradition, and maybe that’s part of why these things sometimes read differently across cultures, right?”

Buttigieg offered his own disposition as being consistent with the aura he wants to project. “A big part of what makes this campaign work is an ability to make people feel things they haven’t felt in a while,” he told me. “One of them is hope. Another one of them is calm.”

Supporters and profilers have likened him to Barack Obama, not just in his appeal to a new generation of political consumers but also in his intent to create a new way of thinking and discussing politics.CreditAngie Smith for The New York Times

Neither quality was in evidence in the crowd at Washington High School. “We’re not running from this,” Buttigieg insisted there. After about 45 minutes, the gathering had pretty much devolved: shouting and cross-shouting and a few near-confrontations where it seemed as if complete bedlam might ensue. No one was asking Mayor Pete to speak Norwegian. “Get back to South Carolina,” a man sitting a few rows behind me in the auditorium yelled at the mayor. Buttigieg took his abuse with hands placed in a prayerlike repose over his lips, sitting perfectly still, except for his shoulders, which rocked ever so slightly.

I caught up with Buttigieg again a few days later in Miami, where he was ensconced in a 17th-floor suite at the downtown Hilton. He would be participating in the second night of the back-to-back Democratic debates, to be held on Thursday; he came down on Monday, the day after the town hall. “We’ve had some supporter events,” he explained, which is usually candidate-speak for “fund-raising.”

South Bend, he told me, was “taking a moment to breathe and process everything.” This was convenient, because Buttigieg has many donors in Miami and the June F.E.C. filing deadline was a few days away. His fund-raising diligence would pay off a few days later when the campaign announced that it had collected $24.8 million from more than 230,000 donors for the three-month period that ended in June. The “Crisis at Home” headlines would soon be replaced with breathless assessments of “Mayor Pete’s Impressive Haul.”

I asked him whether he had ever considered leaving his mayor’s job to focus on his run for president. “I re-evaluate that constantly,” he told me, though not since the recent turmoil began; if anything, it’s more important than ever that he stay in his job and see the crisis through at home.

“Yes, but you’re in Miami,” I pointed out: South Beach, not South Bend.

“Yes,” he acknowledged. “But I’m in charge.”

Buttigieg seemed entirely at home here, surrounded by political tourists, reporters and strategists, some of whom he had known since his days as president of Harvard’s Institute of Politics. Scores of campaign aides and blow-dried TV people and candidates were cavorting in the lobby. The place had a political-summer-camp feel reminiscent of a party convention or caucus night at the bar of the Marriott-Des Moines. Beto O’Rourke walked by on the way upstairs, nursing a venti cup of something. “I think Hick is staying here, too,” Buttigieg said, presumably referring to another fellow camper, the former Colorado governor John Hickenlooper.

Amid the attention paid to Buttigieg’s eclecticisms — his frequent literary references, his ability to speak eight languages, his classical piano training and Radiohead fandom — it’s easy to overlook the fact that he is, at heart, a fairly conventional political animal. Buttigieg is steeped in campaign life, having worked for John Kerry in 2004 and Obama in 2008, and he tends to talk, more than most candidates, like an operative. In 2017, he ran unsuccessfully to be chairman of the Democratic National Committee — a position that is essentially that of a glorified fund-raiser, talking head and political strategist rolled into one. His early ambitions, his methodical climb up the accomplishment ladder and his youthful attention to networking have more in common with Bill Clinton than Obama.

This is relevant, Pfeiffer pointed out, because “Mayor Pete’s message is basically a punditlike critique of politics.” He talks a lot about how Democrats must reach voters in the Midwest, the importance of reaching faith-based citizens and how it’s time for the country to “change the channel” from the tired horror show of our recent political battles. Buttigieg’s campaign has, to this point, been short on policy details and heavy on “laying out the values,” as he often says. In watching Buttigieg, the values are more about the vehicle: that is, Mayor Pete himself. It’s easy to overlook that the campaign has largely been personality-based to this point — much more about the Buttigieg résumé, quirkiness and style than any ideological or policy direction. But part of that style is self-conscious humility, the idea that while the mayor might be a singular generational hope, at least he’s sheepish about it. Buttigieg has perfected the cultivated modesty of the millennial striver.

I talked to Buttigieg for a final time on July 10, a Wednesday, by phone. It had been nearly four weeks since the Logan shooting, and he was about to reveal his oft-mentioned Douglass Plan. It involves measures to “dismantle a fundamentally racist criminal-justice system” and “directly attack the racial wealth gap, building wealth in black communities.” He told me that the Douglass Plan had been in the works for months, though the Logan incident might have given its release more urgency and attention. “I am perhaps the white candidate who will be asked most frequently about race,” Buttigieg told me — a curious statement given that Joe Biden seems to have spent much of the last month being questioned about little else.

Buttigieg told me that if he was not a politician, he might have been a writer. “If I was more creative, I would have been a novelist,” he told me. “I can do the prose, but I just don’t have the imagination that it takes.”

He seems to very much enjoy the narrative journey of campaign life, with its cinematic pace and stranger-than-fiction turns. Best of all is that he gets to be the central player in his story. He used to partake of politics as a spectator sport, as a detached observer. “Well, it’s not so much a refuge from the day to day to be following national matters anymore,” he told me. “If nothing else, being in the middle of this has allowed me to shed a lot of the illusions of how it all works.” How? “Well,” he said. “I’ve discovered that a show like ‘Veep’ is more realistic than most Americans would care to imagine.”

“I am perhaps the white candidate who will be asked most frequently about race.”CreditAngie Smith for The New York Times

Despite all the attention he has received, Buttigieg remains very much a long shot in the race. He has in recent polls dropped solidly behind the top group of candidates: Biden, Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren and Kamala Harris, the latter two of whom have inherited the star status Buttigieg enjoyed for much of the spring. His fund-raising ensures he will be around for a while, and his performance in the Miami debate was generally well regarded — especially his blunt assessment of the “mess” he left behind in South Bend. But the joy ride of his early campaign months now calls for a next turn.

In the coming weeks, Buttigieg said he would be releasing more detailed policy plans. “We’ve laid out the values, now we lay out the details,” he said. That will be the next phase, if not the next act. I heard a flurry of screeches and beeping over the phone in the background. The mayor of South Bend was in a hurry, as ever, and announced that he had to jump on another thing. He was in a car, in Washington for the day. He was not sure where they were or were headed, exactly. “I’m glimpsing at some shiny buildings,” he said.

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

2020 Won’t Repeat the Mistakes of 2016, Whatever They Were

WASHINGTON — Democrats still don’t agree on why they lost the White House in 2016. But they have absolutely no intention of repeating their mistakes.

Whatever they were, exactly.

Was it the loss of working-class white voters or urban black voters? Too much talk of Donald J. Trump or not enough? And what about those Russians?

If Hillary Clinton’s decision to skip campaigning in Wisconsin was a problem, the party has that one covered. Democrats selected Milwaukee as the site of their national convention a year from now.

In Michigan and Pennsylvania, states where Hillary Clinton lost after polling ahead for months, Democratic candidates pop up at coffee shops and farmers’ markets, field questions from audiences in packed high school auditoriums and clog up cellphone voice mail boxes.

“You’re making me confess to a secret,” said Representative Mark Pocan of Wisconsin, a liberal who represents the area around Madison. He explained that his voice mail was full and no one could leave new messages. It’s been that way since the beginning of the year, and he said has no plans to clear it out. “That way I don’t have to deal with the candidates,” he said. “We have a few calling, obviously.”

[Sign up for our politics newsletter and join the conversation around the 2020 presidential race.]

From former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr., who kicked off his 2020 campaign in a Pittsburgh union hall, to Senator Kirsten Gillibrand’s effort to energize her campaign with a Rust Belt bus tour last week, the presidential candidates are eager to show Democratic voters, officials and activists that they’re fighting the next war — by way of the last one.

Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania have become an electoral Bermuda triangle for Democrats, with a pull so strong that they’re frequently mentioned at campaign events in Iowa and New Hampshire, where voters will set the course for the 2020 primary race.

“We’ve got to put someone at the top of the ticket who can win in places like Iowa and Wisconsin and Michigan and Pennsylvania, right? We all know that,” Senator Amy Klobuchar told voters during a Saturday campaign stop in Waterloo, Iowa.

ImageWestlake Legal Group merlin_157794408_d883630c-9520-4bac-89c7-cf919da75dee-articleLarge 2020 Won’t Repeat the Mistakes of 2016, Whatever They Were Wisconsin Warren, Elizabeth Schatz, Brian Rendell, Edward G Presidential Election of 2020 Presidential Election of 2016 Pocan, Mark Pennsylvania Michigan Klobuchar, Amy Houlahan, Chrissy Harris, Kamala D Gillibrand, Kirsten E Democratic Party Clinton, Hillary Rodham Biden, Joseph R Jr

The Fiserv Forum in Milwaukee, where the 2020 Democratic National Convention will be held.CreditLauren Justice for The New York Times

Two days later Mr. Biden said his candidacy relies on winning the same set of states.

“I’m accustomed to winning places like Pennsylvania and Ohio, Michigan and Wisconsin,” he told 200 people gathered on the driveway at the home of former Gov. Tom Vilsack of Iowa. “There’s no way a Democrat can get elected president without winning Pennsylvania, you just can’t do it.”

The Rust Belt bus tours and campaign cattle calls are far more about lingering post-traumatic stress from the Democrats’ 2016 loss than any current electoral strategy. While the traditionally blue states are likely to be crucial to Democrats in a general election, none of the three are scheduled to hold their primary vote before Super Tuesday, the dozen-state primary that’s widely expected to winnow the field in early March.

Of course, the 2020 race bears little resemblance to the last race — or any other primary in modern electoral history. The crowded Democratic field is four times as big as it was at its largest point in 2016, historically diverse and features the widest age gap ever seen in a primary contest. Democrats may have new opportunities in states where demographics are shifting like Georgia, Arizona and Texas. And the nominee will face a sitting president, who has shown some eagerness to intervene in the opposing party primary contest.

[President Trump’s re-election strategy involves stoking cultural and racial resentments, just as he did in 2016.]

The field of 2020 candidates is eager to reassure voters that if they win, they won’t take anything for granted, even as they handle the previous Democratic nominee with extreme care. Earlier this year, Ms. Klobuchar quickly called Mrs. Clinton to apologize, after she launched her bid with promises to win in Wisconsin that were seen as a jab at the former Secretary of State.

Still, the implicit critique rings clear to Democratic voters and donors.

“I was one of Hillary Clinton’s finance chairs and unfortunately she didn’t come into Michigan enough. They’re not ignoring us now,” said Barry Goodman, a Democratic donor in the Detroit suburbs who is raising money for Mr. Biden.

In town hall meetings and diner meet-and-greets, Democrats frequently bring up the 2016 defeat, often as an origin story for how they became more engaged in national politics.

“People continue to come up to me to tell me the story of where they were on the evening of Nov. 8, 2016, how it impacted them, how they’ve since become engaged,” said Representative Chrissy Houlahan, a freshman from the Philadelphia suburbs who’s being wooed by multiple presidential candidates for an endorsement. “It’s seared in the collective memory.”

Former vice president Joseph R. Biden Jr. kicked off his 2020 campaign in a Pittsburgh union hall in April.CreditMaddie McGarvey for The New York Times

For others, the shock of that loss transformed them into cable news pundits, eager to project what white Rust Belt voters may — or may not — want in a candidate over what they personally might prefer.

“We have created an electorate full of pundits and strategists, and the result is that we’re puzzling through not who we like but who we imagine someone else will like,” said Senator Brian Schatz, Democrat of Hawaii. “It’s a fool’s errand to imagine who will be appealing to someone else.”

The armchair punditry is only exacerbated by a steady drumbeat of polling on the race. After a period of soul searching, pollsters are once again up and running.

A 2017 report by the American Association for Public Opinion Research, an industry group, recommended some changes to polling, notably improving accounting for voters’ education levels, surveying people closer to Election Day and pressing those who say they are undecided on which way they might be leaning. But mostly, the report blamed the “large, problematic errors” in state polls on a single culprit: Money.

“It is a persistent frustration within polling and the larger survey research community that the profession is judged based on how these often under-budgeted state polls perform relative to the election outcome,” the report noted.

But Charles Franklin, the director of the Marquette Law School poll in Milwaukee, who helped craft the report, says while it identified some problems and suggested solutions, none were a “magic bullet.” He’s back in business for the 2020 election, with some tweaks to how he surveys voters who say they’re undecided.

“At least, we have to be self-aware of what we are doing,” he said. “You look at all your data and everything you do and you make some adjustments, but in the end you have to trust your data, recognizing that the data can be wrong.”

That’s certainly a lesson President Trump remembers. His campaign is trying to recapture the magic by running on the same message of cracking down on immigration, race-baiting and skepticism toward conventional political wisdom — starting with ignoring what he calls “phony polling.”

Senator Cory Booker campaigned in Milwaukee.CreditTannen Maury/EPA, via Shutterstock

“I’m going to do it the same way I did it the first time,” he said in an interview with ABC News last month.

Democrats remain far more divided over what lessons their party should draw from the last race.

“There’s something fundamental about the fact that Trump presented himself as a noxious human and still won that is disconcerting and unsettling about America,” said Adam Jentleson, a Democratic strategist working for a group focused on suing Mr. Trump. “But the why, we don’t know. It depends who you talk to.”

Senator Elizabeth Warren rarely mentions Mr. Trump in her stump speech, focusing instead on her plans for transforming the country’s economy. Mr. Biden takes nearly the exact opposite tack, weaving his opposition to the current president into nearly all parts of his argument. His supporters argue that the race will be won by convincing moderates that the Democratic nominee is a safer choice than Mr. Trump.

“We’ve got to get moderate working-class Democrats back,” said former Gov. Ed Rendell of Pennsylvania, who’s backing Mr. Biden. “We’ve got to get candidates that they can relate to.”

Senator Kamala Harris, meanwhile, argues that the path to victory for Democrats runs through energizing the women, people of color, and younger voters that make up the backbone of the party.

Her campaign, along with others in the party, believes that mobilizing these voters in cities like Detroit, Milwaukee and Philadelphia could make the difference in the three states in question.

“There are things we all understand about what happened in 2016 aside from Russian interference,” said Adrianne Shropshire, who runs BlackPAC, an African-American political organizing group. “What is clear is that there were key segments of the Democratic base that stayed home.”

Others think that Democrats should spend less time and money in traditional swing states like Ohio and Iowa and instead focus on shifting their map into the rapidly changing Sun Belt, where they found success during the 2018 midterms.

All the uncertainty has left some Democrats urging voters to take a truly radical stance: Just vote for who you believe in.

“Put your money on someone who energizes and excites you,” said Mr. Jentleson, “rather than someone who appeals to a voter in a diner in rural Michigan who you invited in your head.”

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

Why 2020 Democrats Won’t Stop Talking About Wisconsin

WASHINGTON — Democrats still don’t agree on why they lost the White House in 2016. But they have absolutely no intention of repeating their mistakes.

Whatever they were, exactly.

Was it the loss of working-class white voters or urban black voters? Too much talk of Donald J. Trump or not enough? And what about those Russians?

If Hillary Clinton’s decision to skip campaigning in Wisconsin was a problem, the party has that one covered. Democrats selected Milwaukee as the site of their national convention a year from now.

In Michigan and Pennsylvania, states where Hillary Clinton lost after polling ahead for months, Democratic candidates pop up at coffee shops and farmers’ markets, field questions from audiences in packed high school auditoriums and clog up cellphone voice mail boxes.

“You’re making me confess to a secret,” said Representative Mark Pocan of Wisconsin, a liberal who represents the area around Madison. He explained that his voice mail was full and no one could leave new messages. It’s been that way since the beginning of the year, and he said has no plans to clear it out. “That way I don’t have to deal with the candidates,” he said. “We have a few calling, obviously.”

[Sign up for our politics newsletter and join the conversation around the 2020 presidential race.]

From former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr., who kicked off his 2020 campaign in a Pittsburgh union hall, to Senator Kirsten Gillibrand’s effort to energize her campaign with a Rust Belt bus tour last week, the presidential candidates are eager to show Democratic voters, officials and activists that they’re fighting the next war — by way of the last one.

Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania have become an electoral Bermuda triangle for Democrats, with a pull so strong that they’re frequently mentioned at campaign events in Iowa and New Hampshire, where voters will set the course for the 2020 primary race.

“We’ve got to put someone at the top of the ticket who can win in places like Iowa and Wisconsin and Michigan and Pennsylvania, right? We all know that,” Senator Amy Klobuchar told voters during a Saturday campaign stop in Waterloo, Iowa.

ImageWestlake Legal Group merlin_157794408_d883630c-9520-4bac-89c7-cf919da75dee-articleLarge Why 2020 Democrats Won’t Stop Talking About Wisconsin Wisconsin Warren, Elizabeth Schatz, Brian Rendell, Edward G Presidential Election of 2020 Presidential Election of 2016 Pocan, Mark Pennsylvania Michigan Klobuchar, Amy Houlahan, Chrissy Harris, Kamala D Gillibrand, Kirsten E Democratic Party Clinton, Hillary Rodham Biden, Joseph R Jr

The Fiserv Forum in Milwaukee, where the 2020 Democratic National Convention will be held.CreditLauren Justice for The New York Times

Two days later Mr. Biden said his candidacy relies on winning the same set of states.

“I’m accustomed to winning places like Pennsylvania and Ohio, Michigan and Wisconsin,” he told 200 people gathered on the driveway at the home of former Gov. Tom Vilsack of Iowa. “There’s no way a Democrat can get elected president without winning Pennsylvania, you just can’t do it.”

The Rust Belt bus tours and campaign cattle calls are far more about lingering post-traumatic stress from the Democrats’ 2016 loss than any current electoral strategy. While the traditionally blue states are likely to be crucial to Democrats in a general election, none of the three are scheduled to hold their primary vote before Super Tuesday, the dozen-state primary that’s widely expected to winnow the field in early March.

Of course, the 2020 race bears little resemblance to the last race — or any other primary in modern electoral history. The crowded Democratic field is four times as big as it was at its largest point in 2016, historically diverse and features the widest age gap ever seen in a primary contest. Democrats may have new opportunities in states where demographics are shifting like Georgia, Arizona and Texas. And the nominee will face a sitting president, who has shown some eagerness to intervene in the opposing party primary contest.

[President Trump’s re-election strategy involves stoking cultural and racial resentments, just as he did in 2016.]

The field of 2020 candidates is eager to reassure voters that if they win, they won’t take anything for granted, even as they handle the previous Democratic nominee with extreme care. Earlier this year, Ms. Klobuchar quickly called Mrs. Clinton to apologize, after she launched her bid with promises to win in Wisconsin that were seen as a jab at the former Secretary of State.

Still, the implicit critique rings clear to Democratic voters and donors.

“I was one of Hillary Clinton’s finance chairs and unfortunately she didn’t come into Michigan enough. They’re not ignoring us now,” said Barry Goodman, a Democratic donor in the Detroit suburbs who is raising money for Mr. Biden.

In town hall meetings and diner meet-and-greets, Democrats frequently bring up the 2016 defeat, often as an origin story for how they became more engaged in national politics.

“People continue to come up to me to tell me the story of where they were on the evening of Nov. 8, 2016, how it impacted them, how they’ve since become engaged,” said Representative Chrissy Houlahan, a freshman from the Philadelphia suburbs who’s being wooed by multiple presidential candidates for an endorsement. “It’s seared in the collective memory.”

Former vice president Joseph R. Biden Jr. kicked off his 2020 campaign in a Pittsburgh union hall in April.CreditMaddie McGarvey for The New York Times

For others, the shock of that loss transformed them into cable news pundits, eager to project what white Rust Belt voters may — or may not — want in a candidate over what they personally might prefer.

“We have created an electorate full of pundits and strategists, and the result is that we’re puzzling through not who we like but who we imagine someone else will like,” said Senator Brian Schatz, Democrat of Hawaii. “It’s a fool’s errand to imagine who will be appealing to someone else.”

The armchair punditry is only exacerbated by a steady drumbeat of polling on the race. After a period of soul searching, pollsters are once again up and running.

A 2017 report by the American Association for Public Opinion Research, an industry group, recommended some changes to polling, notably improving accounting for voters’ education levels, surveying people closer to Election Day and pressing those who say they are undecided on which way they might be leaning. But mostly, the report blamed the “large, problematic errors” in state polls on a single culprit: Money.

“It is a persistent frustration within polling and the larger survey research community that the profession is judged based on how these often under-budgeted state polls perform relative to the election outcome,” the report noted.

But Charles Franklin, the director of the Marquette Law School poll in Milwaukee, who helped craft the report, says while it identified some problems and suggested solutions, none were a “magic bullet.” He’s back in business for the 2020 election, with some tweaks to how he surveys voters who say they’re undecided.

“At least, we have to be self-aware of what we are doing,” he said. “You look at all your data and everything you do and you make some adjustments, but in the end you have to trust your data, recognizing that the data can be wrong.”

That’s certainly a lesson President Trump remembers. His campaign is trying to recapture the magic by running on the same message of cracking down on immigration, race-baiting and skepticism toward conventional political wisdom — starting with ignoring what he calls “phony polling.”

Senator Cory Booker campaigned in Milwaukee.CreditTannen Maury/EPA, via Shutterstock

“I’m going to do it the same way I did it the first time,” he said in an interview with ABC News last month.

Democrats remain far more divided over what lessons their party should draw from the last race.

“There’s something fundamental about the fact that Trump presented himself as a noxious human and still won that is disconcerting and unsettling about America,” said Adam Jentleson, a Democratic strategist working for a group focused on suing Mr. Trump. “But the why, we don’t know. It depends who you talk to.”

Senator Elizabeth Warren rarely mentions Mr. Trump in her stump speech, focusing instead on her plans for transforming the country’s economy. Mr. Biden takes nearly the exact opposite tack, weaving his opposition to the current president into nearly all parts of his argument. His supporters argue that the race will be won by convincing moderates that the Democratic nominee is a safer choice than Mr. Trump.

“We’ve got to get moderate working-class Democrats back,” said former Gov. Ed Rendell of Pennsylvania, who’s backing Mr. Biden. “We’ve got to get candidates that they can relate to.”

Senator Kamala Harris, meanwhile, argues that the path to victory for Democrats runs through energizing the women, people of color, and younger voters that make up the backbone of the party.

Her campaign, along with others in the party, believes that mobilizing these voters in cities like Detroit, Milwaukee and Philadelphia could make the difference in the three states in question.

“There are things we all understand about what happened in 2016 aside from Russian interference,” said Adrianne Shropshire, who runs BlackPAC, an African-American political organizing group. “What is clear is that there were key segments of the Democratic base that stayed home.”

Others think that Democrats should spend less time and money in traditional swing states like Ohio and Iowa and instead focus on shifting their map into the rapidly changing Sun Belt, where they found success during the 2018 midterms.

All the uncertainty has left some Democrats urging voters to take a truly radical stance: Just vote for who you believe in.

“Put your money on someone who energizes and excites you,” said Mr. Jentleson, “rather than someone who appeals to a voter in a diner in rural Michigan who you invited in your head.”

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

2020 Won’t Repeat the Mistakes of 2016, Whatever They Were

WASHINGTON — Democrats still don’t agree on why they lost the White House in 2016. But they have absolutely no intention of repeating their mistakes.

Whatever they were, exactly.

Was it the loss of working-class white voters or urban black voters? Too much talk of Donald J. Trump or not enough? And what about those Russians?

If Hillary Clinton’s decision to skip campaigning in Wisconsin was a problem, the party has that one covered. Democrats selected Milwaukee as the site of their national convention a year from now.

In Michigan and Pennsylvania, states where Hillary Clinton lost after polling ahead for months, Democratic candidates pop up at coffee shops and farmers’ markets, field questions from audiences in packed high school auditoriums and clog up cellphone voice mail boxes.

“You’re making me confess to a secret,” said Representative Mark Pocan of Wisconsin, a liberal who represents the area around Madison. He explained that his voice mail was full and no one could leave new messages. It’s been that way since the beginning of the year, and he said has no plans to clear it out. “That way I don’t have to deal with the candidates,” he said. “We have a few calling, obviously.”

[Sign up for our politics newsletter and join the conversation around the 2020 presidential race.]

From former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr., who kicked off his 2020 campaign in a Pittsburgh union hall, to Senator Kirsten Gillibrand’s effort to energize her campaign with a Rust Belt bus tour last week, the presidential candidates are eager to show Democratic voters, officials and activists that they’re fighting the next war — by way of the last one.

Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania have become an electoral Bermuda triangle for Democrats, with a pull so strong that they’re frequently mentioned at campaign events in Iowa and New Hampshire, where voters will set the course for the 2020 primary race.

“We’ve got to put someone at the top of the ticket who can win in places like Iowa and Wisconsin and Michigan and Pennsylvania, right? We all know that,” Senator Amy Klobuchar told voters during a Saturday campaign stop in Waterloo, Iowa.

ImageWestlake Legal Group merlin_157794408_d883630c-9520-4bac-89c7-cf919da75dee-articleLarge 2020 Won’t Repeat the Mistakes of 2016, Whatever They Were Wisconsin Warren, Elizabeth Schatz, Brian Rendell, Edward G Presidential Election of 2020 Presidential Election of 2016 Pocan, Mark Pennsylvania Michigan Klobuchar, Amy Houlahan, Chrissy Harris, Kamala D Gillibrand, Kirsten E Democratic Party Clinton, Hillary Rodham Biden, Joseph R Jr

The Fiserv Forum in Milwaukee, where the 2020 Democratic National Convention will be held.CreditLauren Justice for The New York Times

Two days later Mr. Biden said his candidacy relies on winning the same set of states.

“I’m accustomed to winning places like Pennsylvania and Ohio, Michigan and Wisconsin,” he told 200 people gathered on the driveway at the home of former Gov. Tom Vilsack of Iowa. “There’s no way a Democrat can get elected president without winning Pennsylvania, you just can’t do it.”

The Rust Belt bus tours and campaign cattle calls are far more about lingering post-traumatic stress from the Democrats’ 2016 loss than any current electoral strategy. While the traditionally blue states are likely to be crucial to Democrats in a general election, none of the three are scheduled to hold their primary vote before Super Tuesday, the dozen-state primary that’s widely expected to winnow the field in early March.

Of course, the 2020 race bears little resemblance to the last race — or any other primary in modern electoral history. The crowded Democratic field is four times as big as it was at its largest point in 2016, historically diverse and features the widest age gap ever seen in a primary contest. Democrats may have new opportunities in states where demographics are shifting like Georgia, Arizona and Texas. And the nominee will face a sitting president, who has shown some eagerness to intervene in the opposing party primary contest.

[President Trump’s re-election strategy involves stoking cultural and racial resentments, just as he did in 2016.]

The field of 2020 candidates is eager to reassure voters that if they win, they won’t take anything for granted, even as they handle the previous Democratic nominee with extreme care. Earlier this year, Ms. Klobuchar quickly called Mrs. Clinton to apologize, after she launched her bid with promises to win in Wisconsin that were seen as a jab at the former Secretary of State.

Still, the implicit critique rings clear to Democratic voters and donors.

“I was one of Hillary Clinton’s finance chairs and unfortunately she didn’t come into Michigan enough. They’re not ignoring us now,” said Barry Goodman, a Democratic donor in the Detroit suburbs who is raising money for Mr. Biden.

In town hall meetings and diner meet-and-greets, Democrats frequently bring up the 2016 defeat, often as an origin story for how they became more engaged in national politics.

“People continue to come up to me to tell me the story of where they were on the evening of Nov. 8, 2016, how it impacted them, how they’ve since become engaged,” said Representative Chrissy Houlahan, a freshman from the Philadelphia suburbs who’s being wooed by multiple presidential candidates for an endorsement. “It’s seared in the collective memory.”

Former vice president Joseph R. Biden Jr. kicked off his 2020 campaign in a Pittsburgh union hall in April.CreditMaddie McGarvey for The New York Times

For others, the shock of that loss transformed them into cable news pundits, eager to project what white Rust Belt voters may — or may not — want in a candidate over what they personally might prefer.

“We have created an electorate full of pundits and strategists, and the result is that we’re puzzling through not who we like but who we imagine someone else will like,” said Senator Brian Schatz, Democrat of Hawaii. “It’s a fool’s errand to imagine who will be appealing to someone else.”

The armchair punditry is only exacerbated by a steady drumbeat of polling on the race. After a period of soul searching, pollsters are once again up and running.

A 2017 report by the American Association for Public Opinion Research, an industry group, recommended some changes to polling, notably improving accounting for voters’ education levels, surveying people closer to Election Day and pressing those who say they are undecided on which way they might be leaning. But mostly, the report blamed the “large, problematic errors” in state polls on a single culprit: Money.

“It is a persistent frustration within polling and the larger survey research community that the profession is judged based on how these often under-budgeted state polls perform relative to the election outcome,” the report noted.

But Charles Franklin, the director of the Marquette Law School poll in Milwaukee, who helped craft the report, says while it identified some problems and suggested solutions, none were a “magic bullet.” He’s back in business for the 2020 election, with some tweaks to how he surveys voters who say they’re undecided.

“At least, we have to be self-aware of what we are doing,” he said. “You look at all your data and everything you do and you make some adjustments, but in the end you have to trust your data, recognizing that the data can be wrong.”

That’s certainly a lesson President Trump remembers. His campaign is trying to recapture the magic by running on the same message of cracking down on immigration, race-baiting and skepticism toward conventional political wisdom — starting with ignoring what he calls “phony polling.”

Senator Cory Booker campaigned in Milwaukee.CreditTannen Maury/EPA, via Shutterstock

“I’m going to do it the same way I did it the first time,” he said in an interview with ABC News last month.

Democrats remain far more divided over what lessons their party should draw from the last race.

“There’s something fundamental about the fact that Trump presented himself as a noxious human and still won that is disconcerting and unsettling about America,” said Adam Jentleson, a Democratic strategist working for a group focused on suing Mr. Trump. “But the why, we don’t know. It depends who you talk to.”

Senator Elizabeth Warren rarely mentions Mr. Trump in her stump speech, focusing instead on her plans for transforming the country’s economy. Mr. Biden takes nearly the exact opposite tack, weaving his opposition to the current president into nearly all parts of his argument. His supporters argue that the race will be won by convincing moderates that the Democratic nominee is a safer choice than Mr. Trump.

“We’ve got to get moderate working-class Democrats back,” said former Gov. Ed Rendell of Pennsylvania, who’s backing Mr. Biden. “We’ve got to get candidates that they can relate to.”

Senator Kamala Harris, meanwhile, argues that the path to victory for Democrats runs through energizing the women, people of color, and younger voters that make up the backbone of the party.

Her campaign, along with others in the party, believes that mobilizing these voters in cities like Detroit, Milwaukee and Philadelphia could make the difference in the three states in question.

“There are things we all understand about what happened in 2016 aside from Russian interference,” said Adrianne Shropshire, who runs BlackPAC, an African-American political organizing group. “What is clear is that there were key segments of the Democratic base that stayed home.”

Others think that Democrats should spend less time and money in traditional swing states like Ohio and Iowa and instead focus on shifting their map into the rapidly changing Sun Belt, where they found success during the 2018 midterms.

All the uncertainty has left some Democrats urging voters to take a truly radical stance: Just vote for who you believe in.

“Put your money on someone who energizes and excites you,” said Mr. Jentleson, “rather than someone who appeals to a voter in a diner in rural Michigan who you invited in your head.”

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

At Rally, President Accuses Liberal Critics of Seeking the Nation’s ‘Destruction’

Westlake Legal Group merlin_158087397_635b6c8d-00d8-4744-86c5-ae09f7374052-facebookJumbo At Rally, President Accuses Liberal Critics of Seeking the Nation’s ‘Destruction’ United States Politics and Government Trump, Donald J tlaib, rashida Republican Party Pressley, Ayanna Presidential Election of 2020 Presidential Election of 2016 Omar, Ilhan Ocasio-Cortez, Alexandria Greenville (NC)

GREENVILLE, N.C. — President Trump road-tested his attacks on four Democratic congresswomen on Wednesday, casting them as avatars of anti-American radicalism and reiterating his call for them to leave the country, in a preview of a slash-and-burn re-election strategy that depicts Mr. Trump as a bulwark against a “dangerous, militant hard left.”

“These left-wing ideologues see our nation as a force for evil,” Mr. Trump told a packed arena. To roaring applause, he railed against what he called “hate-filled extremists who are constantly trying to tear our country down.”

“They don’t love our country,” he said. “I think, in some cases, they hate our country. You know what? If they don’t love it, tell them to leave it.”

In recent days, similar comments by Mr. Trump have been met with repugnance across the country. But the capacity crowd in an arena at East Carolina University seemed to savor them. After Mr. Trump reeled off several controversial comments made by one of the four congresswomen, Representative Ilhan Omar of Minnesota, including ones that he depicted as sympathetic to Al Qaeda, the crowd started up a rousing chant of “Send her back! Send her back!”

It was the latest sign that the president’s plan for winning a second term in office involves playing to racial and nationalist themes that shock the consciences of many Americans, but which seem to delight his most ardent supporters.

Mr. Trump doubled down with relish on his previous calls for the congresswomen — Ms. Omar, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York, Rashida Tlaib of Michigan and Ayanna S. Pressley of Massachusetts — to “go back” to their countries of origin, even though all but one were born in the United States and all four are citizens. It left no doubt that he was undaunted by furious condemnations of his remarks as racist, including a Tuesday vote by the House.

As his raucous audience booed repeatedly at his mentions of the women, the atmosphere had echoes of a pro-wrestling match at which the crowd thrills in its collective disdain for the villain of the moment.

Wednesday night’s event was billed as a “Keep America Great” rally — a boastful variant of Mr. Trump’s 2016 campaign slogan, “Make America Great Again.”

“Big Rally tonight in Greenville, North Carolina,” the president tweeted early Wednesday, saying he would play up economic growth and the booming stock market in a state that has narrowly tilted right in the past two presidential contests.

Many Republicans, including some of Mr. Trump’s advisers, wish he would stick to those themes, saying they think that he is overshadowing an economic success story by engaging in name-calling and divisive cultural clashes. Some feel that his relentless focus on immigration and other nationalist themes before last November’s midterm elections alienated suburban swing voters and helped enable Democrats to win the House.

But while the president did devote time to the nation’s recent economic growth, and took credit for data showing that China’s gross domestic product is growing at its slowest rate in 27 years, he was most animated when attacking his Democratic rivals, particularly Ms. Omar, Ms. Ocasio-Cortez, Ms. Tlaib and Ms. Pressley, who are collectively known as “the squad.”

Mr. Trump denounced Ms. Ocasio-Cortez for branding federal migrant detention centers along the southwestern border “concentration camps,” saying she had, in effect, called border agents Nazis. And he recalled the way Ms. Tlaib had used what he called a “vicious” expletive when she vowed in January that Mr. Trump would be impeached.

“That’s not somebody that loves our country,” the president said.

Mr. Trump also ridiculed the 2020 Democratic presidential candidates, like mocking the name of Pete Buttigieg, the mayor of South Bend, Ind., and saying that former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. had “choked” in the last Democratic primary debate after Senator Kamala Harris of California challenged him on the issue of busing.

Depicting the 2020 Democrats as a hapless and left-wing lot, Mr. Trump delivered what may have been his core pitch: “Tonight, we renew our resolve that America will never be a socialist country. A vote for any Democrat in 2020 is a vote for the rise of radical socialism and the destruction of the American Dream — frankly, the destruction of our country.”

Mr. Trump also boasted about an afternoon vote in the House on a resolution to impeach him that had been introduced by Representative Al Green, Democrat of Texas. The measure, opposed by House Democratic leaders wary of a potential backlash, failed 332 to 95.

“We just received an overwhelming vote against impeachment, and that is the end of it,” Mr. Trump said after his arrival to the rally. “Let the Democrats now go back to work.” The vote did not preclude the possibility of future impeachment action.

Mr. Trump first announced the rally shortly after House Democrats set Wednesday as the date for the former special counsel, Robert S. Mueller III, to testify about his report on Russian election interference. That was widely seen as an effort by the president to counterprogram that testimony, which has since been delayed.

During his speech on Wednesday, he only briefly mentioned the investigation, denouncing it as “a hoax,” and never mentioned Mr. Mueller.

Mr. Trump carried North Carolina in 2016 with 49.8 percent of the vote to Hillary Clinton’s 46.2 percent. The state also voted Republican, for Mitt Romney, in 2012, after Barack Obama won it narrowly in 2008.

In his remarks before leaving Washington, the president responded to a question about Ms. Omar, who has faced scrutiny for filing tax records with her first husband while legally married to her second.

An investigation of public records and state documents by The Minnesota Star Tribune last month could not substantiate a claim circulated online — and which Ms. Omar has denied — that her first husband was her brother, whom she allegedly married for immigration benefits.

Mr. Trump accepted the opportunity to weigh in on the subject.

“There’s a lot of talk about the fact that she was married to her brother,” the president said, stating as fact something that is unproved. “I know nothing about it,” he said, adding that “I’m sure that somebody would be looking at that.”

Ms. Omar, for one, stood firm in the face of the vitriol the president and his supporters had directed at her.

Shortly after Mr. Trump’s rally ended, she retweeted a comment by Jon Favreau, a former speechwriter for President Barack Obama, saying that the crowd’s chant of “Send her back!” was “one of the most chilling and horrifying things I’ve ever seen in politics.”

Above that statement, she quoted the poet Maya Angelou, writing in part: “You may kill me with your hatefulness, But still, like air, I’ll rise.”

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

At North Carolina Rally, Trump Bets on Divisive Attacks as Way to Bolster Re-election Bid

Westlake Legal Group merlin_158087397_635b6c8d-00d8-4744-86c5-ae09f7374052-facebookJumbo At North Carolina Rally, Trump Bets on Divisive Attacks as Way to Bolster Re-election Bid United States Politics and Government Trump, Donald J tlaib, rashida Republican Party Pressley, Ayanna Presidential Election of 2020 Presidential Election of 2016 Omar, Ilhan Ocasio-Cortez, Alexandria Greenville (NC)

GREENVILLE, N.C. — President Trump road-tested his attacks on four Democratic congresswomen on Wednesday, casting them as avatars of anti-American radicalism and reiterating his call for them to leave the country, in a preview of a slash-and-burn re-election strategy that depicts Mr. Trump as a bulwark against a “dangerous, militant hard left.”

“These left-wing ideologues see our nation as a force for evil,” Mr. Trump told a packed arena here.

To roaring applause, the president lit into what he called “hate-filled extremists who are constantly trying to tear our country down.”

“They don’t love our country,” he said. “I think, in some cases, they hate our country. You know what? If they don’t love it, tell them to leave it.”

In recent days, similar comments by Mr. Trump have been met with repugnance across the country. But the capacity crowd here in an arena at East Carolina University seemed to savor them.

It was the latest sign that the president hopes to win a second term in office by playing to racial and nationalist themes that shock the consciences of many Americans, but seem only to delight his most ardent supporters.

Mr. Trump doubled down with relish on his previous calls for the four congresswomen — Representatives Ilhan Omar of Minnesota, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York, Rashida Tlaib of Michigan and Ayanna S. Pressley of Massachusetts — to “go back” to their countries of origin, even though all but one were born in the United States and all four are citizens. It left no doubt that he was undaunted by furious condemnations of his remarks as racist, including a Tuesday vote by the House.

After Mr. Trump reeled off several controversial comments made by Ms. Omar, including ones that he depicted as sympathetic to Al Qaeda, the crowd started up a rousing chant of “Send her back!”

Wednesday night’s event was billed as a “Keep America Great” rally — a boastful variant of Mr. Trump’s 2016 campaign slogan, “Make America Great Again.”

“Big Rally tonight in Greenville, North Carolina,” the president tweeted early Wednesday, saying he would play up economic growth and the booming stock market in a state that has narrowly tilted right in the past two presidential contests.

Many Republicans, including some of Mr. Trump’s advisers, wish he would stick to those themes, saying they think that he is overshadowing an economic success story by engaging in name-calling and divisive cultural clashes.

But while the president did devote time to the recent positive economic growth, and took credit for data showing that China’s gross domestic product is growing at its slowest rate in 27 years, he was most animated when attacking his Democratic rivals, particularly Ms. Omar, Ms. Ocasio-Cortez, Ms. Tlaib and Ms. Pressley, who are collectively known as “the squad.”

Mr. Trump denounced Ms. Ocasio-Cortez for branding federal migrant detention centers along the southwestern border “concentration camps,” saying she had, in effect, called border agents Nazis. And he recalled the way Ms. Tlaib had used what he called a “vicious” expletive when she vowed in January that Mr. Trump would be impeached.

“That’s not somebody that loves our country,” the president said.

Mr. Trump also ridiculed the 2020 Democratic presidential candidates, like mocking the name of Pete Buttigieg, the mayor of South Bend, Ind., and saying that former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. had “choked” in the last Democratic primary debate after Senator Kamala Harris of California challenged him on the issue of busing.

Depicting the 2020 Democrats as a hapless and left-wing lot, Mr. Trump delivered what may have been his core pitch: “Tonight, we renew our resolve that America will never be a socialist country. A vote for any Democrat in 2020 is a vote for the rise of radical socialism and the destruction of the American Dream — frankly, the destruction of our country.”

Mr. Trump also boasted about an afternoon vote in the House on a resolution to impeach him that had been introduced by Representative Al Green, Democrat of Texas. The measure, opposed by House Democratic leaders wary of a potential backlash, failed 332 to 95.

“We just received an overwhelming vote against impeachment, and that is the end of it,” Mr. Trump said after his arrival to the rally. “Let the Democrats now go back to work.” The vote did not preclude the possibility of future impeachment action.

Mr. Trump first announced the rally shortly after House Democrats set Wednesday as the date for the former special counsel, Robert S. Mueller III, to testify about his report on Russian election interference. That was widely seen as an effort by the president to counterprogram that testimony, which has since been delayed.

During his speech on Wednesday, he only briefly mentioned the investigation, denouncing it as “a hoax,” and never mentioned Mr. Mueller.

Mr. Trump carried North Carolina in 2016 with 49.8 percent of the vote to Hillary Clinton’s 46.2 percent. The state also voted Republican, for Mitt Romney, in 2012, after Barack Obama won it narrowly in 2008.

In his remarks before leaving Washington, the president responded to a question about Ms. Omar, who has faced scrutiny for filing tax records with her first husband, her brother, while legally married to her second.

An investigation of public records and state documents by The Minnesota Star Tribune last month could not conclude whether Ms. Omar had married her brother for immigration benefits, a rumor that has run rampant in the conservative blogosphere. Ms. Omar has denied that claim. Mr. Trump accepted the opportunity to weigh in on the subject.

“There’s a lot of talk about the fact that she was married to her brother,” the president said. “I know nothing about it,” he said, adding that “I’m sure that somebody would be looking at that.”

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

Sanders to Call for Rivals to Reject Money From Health Care Industry

Westlake Legal Group 17sanders-medicare-facebookJumbo Sanders to Call for Rivals to Reject Money From Health Care Industry United States Politics and Government Speeches and Statements Sanders, Bernard Primaries and Caucuses Presidential Election of 2020 Health Insurance and Managed Care Democratic Party

Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont is expected on Wednesday to call for all Democratic presidential candidates to pledge to reject contributions from the health care industry, escalating the ideological battle over an issue that has become central to the 2020 Democratic primary.

With the appeal — which is set to be delivered as part of a formal address on one of the senator’s signature issues, “Medicare for all” — Mr. Sanders aims to expand the sources of money considered verboten in the Democratic primary. Though some candidates have already vowed not to accept Wall Street and fossil fuel cash, Mr. Sanders will invite all candidates to join him in refusing to accept contributions over $200 from PACs, lobbyists and executives of health insurance and drug companies.

Several of his presidential opponents, including former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. and Mayor Pete Buttigieg of South Bend, Ind., have accepted money from health care executives, according to recent financial reports.

“You can’t change a corrupt system by taking its money,” Mr. Sanders is expected to say, according to an excerpts provided ahead of a speech he will deliver Wednesday in Washington. “Candidates who are not willing to take that pledge should explain to the American people why those interests believe their campaigns are a good investment.”

Mr. Sanders’s address on Medicare for all comes as he seeks to restore momentum to his campaign heading into the second set of presidential debates. He has had a string of disappointing poll results and a financial quarter in which he was outraised by a handful of rivals, including his fellow progressive, Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts.

It is also a deliberate effort to distinguish himself from other candidates — many of whom have expressed varying degrees of support for Medicare for All but have not provided much detail. And it sets up a direct contrast with Mr. Biden, whom he considers his chief rival and who on Monday unveiled his own health care plan that put him in conflict with Mr. Sanders.

[Make sense of the people, issues and ideas shaping American politics with our newsletter.]

While Mr. Sanders aims to eliminate most private health insurance as part of his single-payer plan, Mr. Biden pledged to shore up the Affordable Care Act — the health care measure passed when he was vice president in the Obama administration — and create a so-called public option.

“The main point that I’m going to be making is that the struggle we are having in this country for health care for all — for a Medicare for all single-payer system — is really not a debate over health care policy,” Mr. Sanders said in an interview on Tuesday. “It is a question of whether, as a nation, we are prepared to take on the incredible power of the insurance industry, the drug industry and the entire health care industry.”

“It’s hard for anybody in a rational way to say, ‘This is a good health care system’ — it’s not,” he added.

Until recent days, Mr. Sanders and Mr. Biden have largely avoided attacking each other; during the first debate, when they were on the same stage, neither markedly sought to highlight their differences.

But in seeking to draw an explicit contrast over health care, both candidates have opened a new front in the fight for the Democratic nomination that also underscores the progressive-versus-centrist divide in the party.

The speech Wednesday, like one Mr. Sanders gave last month on his philosophy of democratic socialism, seemed intended to garner maximum news media exposure: He is delivering it in Washington, steps away from where many political journalists work, rather than in an early voting state like Iowa or New Hampshire.

It is not clear if Mr. Sanders will draw explicit contrasts in his speech between his position and that of other candidates, including Mr. Biden. In announcing the address, Mr. Sanders billed it as an opportunity to “confront the opponents of Medicare for all and the insurance industry that profits off those who are sick.”

But in delivering the speech, he will emphasize in familiar terms his unbridled, decades-long history of fighting for single-payer health care and how he is responsible for pushing the policy to the fore in Democratic politics.

Mr. Sanders is also expected to pressure his rivals to affirm or disavow his unambiguous vision for a single-payer system, a delineation that could be important for progressive voters who are increasingly establishing litmus tests to assess ideological purity.

“I don’t think there really is much of a debate as to whether or not the current health care system is dysfunctional,” Mr. Sanders said in the interview. “The real question that we have to ask ourselves is why? How did we end up where we are?”

“What the real debate is about,” he added, “is do we have the courage to take on these incredibly powerful special interests, who make huge profits?”

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

Trump Sets the 2020 Tone: Like 2016, Only This Time ‘the Squad’ Is Here

WASHINGTON — With three days of attacks on four liberal, minority freshman congresswomen, President Trump and the Republicans have sent the clearest signal yet that their approach to 2020 will be a racially divisive reprise of the strategy that helped Mr. Trump narrowly capture the White House in 2016.

It is the kind of fight that the president relishes. He has told aides, in fact, that he is pleased with the Democratic reaction to his attacks, boasting that he is “marrying” the House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and the Democratic Party to the four congresswomen known as “the Squad.”

His efforts to stoke similar cultural and racial resentments during the 2018 midterm elections with fears of marauding immigrant caravans backfired as his party lost control of the House. But he is undeterred heading into his re-election campaign, betting that he can cast the entire Democratic Party as radical and un-American.

“He’s framing the election as a clash of civilizations,” said Charlie Sykes, a conservative writer who is critical of Mr. Trump. The argument Mr. Trump is making is both strategic and cynical, he said. “They’re coming for you. They hate you. They despise America. They are not you.”

“And if you look at the Electoral College map,” Mr. Sykes added, “the places that will play are the places Donald Trump will need to win the election.”

While the Democrats were voting Tuesday to condemn the president’s attacks against the four women as racist, Trump campaign officials, by contrast, were trying to cast Monday as a landmark day for the Democratic Party — the day that the progressive “Squad” became the de facto leaders of their party.

The four freshman, female members of Congress — Representatives Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York, Ilhan Omar of Minnesota, Ayanna S. Pressley of Massachusetts and Rashida Tlaib of Michigan — hold no formal leadership positions in their party, and none have been on the national political stage for much longer than a year. Yet Republicans, led by Mr. Trump and buttressed by his allies in the conservative media, have spent months seizing on and distorting their more inflammatory statements.

Aides to Mr. Trump’s campaign conceded that the president’s tweets about the four women on Sunday were not helpful, were difficult to defend and caught them off guard. They would have preferred he had not tweeted that the four women, all racial and ethnic minorities, should “go back” to their own countries.

But they said that his instincts were what guided his campaign in 2016, when his attacks on immigrants resonated with alienated white voters in key states. They believe there is political value in having “the Squad” as the new face of their political opponents when Mr. Trump is tracing a path to re-election that runs through Pennsylvania, Michigan and Wisconsin, where the four women are unpopular.

Brad Parscale, the Trump campaign manager, has been telling people that it is very hard to persuade voters in the current hyperpartisan political landscape.

Mr. Trump’s re-election strategy, instead, is to solidify his base and increase turnout. A major component of that is to portray his opponents as not merely disliking him and his policies, but also disliking America itself.

ImageWestlake Legal Group merlin_158003625_3029d1dd-70d2-4f4f-b4ed-58bbf91dd188-articleLarge Trump Sets the 2020 Tone: Like 2016, Only This Time ‘the Squad’ Is Here United States Politics and Government Trump, Donald J tlaib, rashida Race and Ethnicity Pressley, Ayanna Presidential Election of 2020 Omar, Ilhan Ocasio-Cortez, Alexandria Minorities

During a news conference on Monday, Representatives Rashida Tlaib, Ayanna Pressley, Ilhan Omar and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez denounced Mr. Trump’s comments.CreditAnna Moneymaker/The New York Times

The strategy is reminiscent of how President Richard M. Nixon and the Republican Party tried to frame their fight with Democrats during the 1972 elections around questions of patriotism and loyalty. Nixon supporters took to using the slogan “America: Love It or Leave It” to cast the Democrats and the growing opposition to the Vietnam War as anti-American — not merely anti-Nixon or anti-Republican.

Pat Buchanan, the populist, conservative former presidential candidate who served as an aide to Nixon, said that by elevating the four, Mr. Trump is trying to set the terms of his re-election fight.

“Rather than let Democrats in the primaries choose his adversary, Trump is seeking to make the selection himself,” Mr. Buchanan said. And if the election is seen as a choice between Democrats like Ms. Ocasio-Cortez and Ms. Omar, Mr. Buchanan added, “Trump wins.”

Mr. Buchanan said he envisioned a scenario in which the battle for the Democratic nomination becomes, in part, a referendum on these four women. “The Democratic candidates will be forced to choose in the coming debates as to whether to back the four,” he said, “or put distance between themselves and the four.”

Only four Republicans and one independent broke and voted with the Democrats to condemn the president’s language in the House vote Tuesday, a stark reminder of just how far the party has come from the period when its leaders believed their political future depended on being a big tent, welcoming to Latino and African-American voters.

Instead, a range of party leaders were pushing messages of patriotism. Some attempted to sidestep the racial implications, while others seemed less concerned about the potential blowback.

“Forget these four,” said Kellyanne Conway, the counselor to the president, in an interview with Fox News on Tuesday. “They represent a dark underbelly of people in this country,” she added. “We are sick and tired of people denigrating that American flag, the American military, veterans and America.”

Others were jumping on the bandwagon, but seeking to reframe and soften the message. Representative Liz Cheney of Wyoming, the third-ranking House Republican, effectively offered Mr. Trump a tutorial in how to go on the offensive without inviting a backlash.

“Our opposition to our socialist colleagues has absolutely nothing to do with their gender, with their religion or with their race,” Ms. Cheney told reporters Tuesday. “It has to do with the content of their policies.”

The election is still more than 15 months away, and eventually the Democrats will have a standard-bearer to define the party in opposition to Mr. Trump. Still, some Democrats worry that criticism of the four congresswomen will resonate with a segment of their voters and independents, who may prove just as uneasy with the policies, and some of the rhetoric, of “the Squad” as they are with Mr. Trump’s own bombast.

The Democrats who fared the best in the midterms were those who played down Mr. Trump while highlighting issues like protecting the health insurance of people with pre-existing conditions. And many of the strategists who are rallying behind former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. believe the party can’t count on increasing turnout among young people and minorities, and needs to lure back voters it lost to Mr. Trump.

In research published in a journal in February, Carlos Algara and Isaac Hale found that among white voters, high levels of racial resentment — measured by asking people whether they agree with statements such as “I am angry that racism exists” — were a better indicator of how someone would vote than party affiliation or ideological beliefs.

Trump campaign officials have expressed confidence in the state of the race. Mr. Trump’s favorability rating is about 46 percent.CreditErin Schaff/The New York Times

They found that there was still a sizable number of white Democrats who harbor relatively high levels of racial resentment, and that is helping Republicans across the board.

Mr. Algara, a political scientist at the University of California, Davis, said that a forthcoming analysis of the 2018 midterm elections found that even without Mr. Trump on the ballot, white Democrats with high levels of racial resentment were likely to vote for Republican candidates.

“The president and the Republican National Committee know that if you prime racial resentment attitudes among Democrats, you’re more likely to win their votes,” he said. “It’s a very effective strategy.”

But many Democrats believe that Mr. Trump has repelled so many voters who gave him the benefit of the doubt in 2016 that he is only digging himself into a deeper hole. “He’s risking everything on a strategy of recreating his exact 2016 coalition, but things have changed,” said Nick Gourevitch, a pollster with the Global Strategy Group, a Democratic firm.

There are Trump supporters who agree that the president’s rhetoric could backfire, and wish he hadn’t gone down this road.

“I think a more successful strategy would be to focus on the growth in the economy and policies and go after moderates and independents,” Anthony Scaramucci, who briefly served as White House communications director, said on CNN on Tuesday.

He added that he found the comments reprehensible and was surprised that more Republicans were not speaking out. He said he found that “astonishing.”

And some Republicans believe that the president is squandering an opportunity to capitalize on what had been a smoldering fight between Ms. Pelosi and the first-term lawmakers and was simply uniting the party.

“It got in the way of a nice little meltdown the Democrats were enjoying and totally unified them,” said David Kochel, an Iowa-based Republican strategist. “I’m just concerned that he took the focus off a really interesting food fight between Pelosi and the Squad.”

On Michael Savage’s radio program on Monday, a caller named Susan dialed in to defend the president’s actions. “He’s said worse things than that, and he’s not a racist,” she said.

Mr. Savage, who was one of the earliest hosts in conservative radio to endorse Mr. Trump but has been more skeptical of late, questioned his caller’s blind faith and also expressed concern that the entire episode was unifying the Democrats.

“I’m starting to get very worried about the true believers out there,” Mr. Savage said, adding that he thought the president needed to stop being so impulsive.

“I think he needs to stop tweeting at 3 in the morning when he’s having a low-blood-sugar attack. He has set our entire cause back.”

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

A Blaring Message in Republicans’ Muted Criticism: It’s Trump’s Party

WASHINGTON — The lack of widespread Republican condemnation of President Trump for his comments about four Democratic congresswomen of color illustrated both the tightening stranglehold Mr. Trump has on his party and the belief of many Republicans that an attack on progressivism should in fact be a central element of the 2020 campaign.

While a smattering of Republicans chastised Mr. Trump on Monday, most party leaders in the House and Senate and much of the rank-and-file remained quiet about the president’s weekend tweets directing dissenters to “go back” where they came from. He followed up on those comments on Monday with harsh language directed at “people who hate America” — an inflammatory accusation to be leveled against elected members of the House.

With Mr. Trump far more popular with Republican voters than incumbent Republican members of Congress, most are loath to cross the president and risk reprisals. The case of Representative Justin Amash, the Michigan lawmaker who was forced to leave the party after he dared to suggest Mr. Trump should be impeached, serves as a cautionary tale.

At the same time, many Republicans find what they are attempting to label as the “far left” stances of the four congresswomen who were the targets of Mr. Trump’s tirade to be the potential foundation of a sweeping critique of Democrats in 2020. In an appearance on Fox News, Senator Lindsey Graham, Republican of South Carolina, called the four “a bunch of communists,” a step beyond the president, who said he was at the moment only willing to go so far as calling them “socialists.”

Both the willingness of Republicans to attach extremist labels to Democrats and the Democratic assault against Mr. Trump as a racist and white supremacist presage a particularly bitter 2020 campaign.

Even those lawmakers who took Mr. Trump to task were careful to underscore their differences with the political and policy views of the House Democrats at the center of the storm — Representatives Rashida Tlaib of Michigan, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York, Ayanna S. Pressley of Massachusetts and Ilhan Omar of Minnesota.

Senator Mitt Romney of Utah, one of the few Republicans who has criticized Mr. Trump since he became president, told a Boston TV station that while the president might have gone too far, “I certainly feel that a number of these new members of Congress have views that are not consistent with my experience and not consistent with building a strong America.”

“I couldn’t disagree more with these congresswomen’s views on immigration, socialism, national security and virtually every policy issue,” said Senator Patrick J. Toomey, Republican of Pennsylvania. “But they are entitled to their opinions, however misguided they may be.”

ImageWestlake Legal Group merlin_157516953_846cf5b5-ca4b-4f4a-b280-1f22ff976d13-articleLarge A Blaring Message in Republicans’ Muted Criticism: It’s Trump’s Party United States Politics and Government Trump, Donald J tlaib, rashida Senate Republican Party Pressley, Ayanna Presidential Election of 2020 Omar, Ilhan Ocasio-Cortez, Alexandria House of Representatives

Despite occasional rifts, Republicans have mostly tried to sidestep Mr. Trump’s nearly daily Twitter battles.CreditErin Schaff/The New York Times

Senator Thom Tillis, a North Carolina Republican who faces a potentially difficult re-election campaign next year, sought to dodge the debate over the president’s comments and focus on the differences between the parties. “The reality is I want to shift back to the issues and the America they represent versus the America that I want to see,” Mr. Tillis told reporters.

The rapid approach of the 2020 campaign has drawn Mr. Trump and Republicans on Capitol Hill closer as the lawmakers see their fate inextricably linked to the president, diminishing any possibility that they would break from Mr. Trump.

And the spotlight put on the Democratic presidential candidates and the advocacy by some of them for eliminating private health insurance in favor of a government program, sweeping revisions in the tax code and the institution of liberal immigration policies have galvanized Republicans.

They see Mr. Trump, as outrageous and unpredictable as he might be, as far preferable to any of the Democrats.

“I’m not going to vote for a socialist,” said Senator Cory Gardner of Colorado, perhaps the most endangered Republican in the Senate, who has made clear he is firmly allied with the president.

Republicans may cringe at some of Mr. Trump’s crude comments and insults. They may wince at his easily unmasked falsehoods. They may roll their eyes at his lack of understanding of government fundamentals. To many, his personality itself is off-putting. But he is now their guy.

Despite occasional rifts, Republicans have in the main tried to ignore Mr. Trump’s nearly daily Twitter battles.

Senator Mitch McConnell, the Kentucky Republican and majority leader, routinely refuses to engage when pressed about remarks by Mr. Trump that have electrified social media. Other Republicans say they do not see it as their job to be political pundits or to join with the news media and Democrats in castigating Mr. Trump. They also believe that, in most cases, the firestorm lasts only so long and will be quickly followed by the next iteration, making it pointless to get caught up in the repeating cycle.

Over the course of the administration, most Republicans have grown accustomed to Mr. Trump’s fiery outbursts and practiced in how to avoid commenting on them. They find the president, a man who wields his cellphone like a weapon, to be almost always accessible, cajoling and complimenting lawmakers who appreciate the attention.

“My personal recipe for a productive relationship with the president is to work with him in public all I can,” said Senator John Cornyn, Republican of Texas.CreditGabriella Demczuk for The New York Times

They have also gained experience in how to diplomatically push back against the president and challenge his views when they differ — though usually in private to avoid inciting his ire.

“My personal recipe for a productive relationship with the president is to work with him in public all I can,” said Senator John Cornyn, Republican of Texas. “When we have disagreements, as we’ve had on tariffs and things like that, we talk in private, try not to embarrass him or ourselves. I’ve found that’s a good way to handle it.”

Recognizing this pattern, Senator Chuck Schumer of New York, the minority leader, accused Senate Republicans on Monday of cowardice. “It’s become frighteningly common for many of my Republican colleagues to let these moments sail by without saying even a word,” Mr. Schumer said. “Republican leadership — especially — rarely criticizes the president directly even in a situation like this that so clearly merits it.”

Jeff Flake, the former Arizona Republican senator whose feud with Mr. Trump helped end his congressional career, said he sympathized with the desire of his former colleagues not to address every comment made by Mr. Trump. “But there are times when the president’s comments are so vile and offensive that it is incumbent on Republicans to respond and condemn,” he said on Twitter. “This is one of those times.”

Those hoping for a wide rupture between the president and the more conventional Republican politicians on Capitol Hill say they have finally come to terms with the reality that no break is in the offing with the economy prospering, the election looming and the Trump administration so far avoiding a cataclysmic foreign policy blunder.

“They have made their bed and are trying to sleep in it and hope they don’t have nightmares,” said William Kristol, the conservative Trump critic. “They don’t feel like they are paying a huge price.”

Mr. Kristol said he once believed that the combination of the 2018 election results, the extended government shutdown and the departure of Defense Secretary Jim Mattis — a source of comfort for Republicans who feared Trump would do something rash with the military — might give congressional Republicans pause. But any deep distress that existed seems to have dissipated.

“I am more pessimistic about the notion that the Republican Party will throw off Trump than I was a year ago,” he said.

Instead, Republicans worry that, even at a moment when the president is stirring division, a perceived slight or unwarranted criticism could lead Mr. Trump to throw them off, an outcome that could be ruinous to their political careers.

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com