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Westlake Legal Group > Wisconsin

Alyssa Milano announcement: Fundraising to flip Rust Belt states in 2020

Westlake Legal Group Alyssa-Milano Alyssa Milano announcement: Fundraising to flip Rust Belt states in 2020 Wisconsin The Blog Rust Belt President Trump Pennsylvania Movement Voter Project Michigan Fundraising Alyssa Milano 2020 election

Never mind the huge protests in Hong Kong that I cannot look away from on my television screen, never mind the political stories in America from the campaign trail, never mind a potential economic recession lurking, actress/activist Alyssa Milano has an ANNOUNCEMENT. I know it has to be important because she typed it in all caps. She also used red light emojis.

What is it now, Alyssa? Oh. It’s a new vanity project being funded by other people’s money. It’s “her” #2020Fund but you can pay for it.

Milano is partnering with Movement Voter Project, which will match $1 million in donations. She is targeting Michigan, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania in the 2020 presidential election because above all else, the bad Orange Man must be defeated. The money raised is to fund grassroots efforts in these states for voter engagement projects.

“Let’s start working together now on something we can all agree on: defeating Trump in the three states where he just barely won in 2016,” Milano said in a video on the fund’s website.

“These organizations empower youth, immigrants, women, people of color, and communities facing the worst of Republicans’ horrible policies,” she wrote on the website. “They fight tirelessly on the issues AND Get Out The Vote.”

She has a “brilliant new strategy” to stop Trump in these swing states and wants you to know about it. She’s counting on support from all the usual suspects because identity politics is a totally new idea for Democrats. Yes, she sounds that naive. Bless her heart.

The organizations in Michigan for which Milano will be raising money include Detroit Action, Michigan Liberation and Mothering Justice Action Fund. The Pennsylvania organizations for which she’s fundraising are 215 People’s Alliance, Pennsylvania Stands Up and Pennsylvania Student Power Network. Meanwhile, the Wisconsin-based organizations are Black Leaders Organizing Communities, Leaders Igniting Transformation Action Fund and Voces de la Frontera Action, Inc.

She calls this fundraising initiative the “most compelling strategy” to defeat the “orange-haired guy”. Wait. I thought his skin color is orange. I’m so confused. The appropriations from the money raised are vaguely described. It includes supporting volunteers, hiring staff, and canvassing neighborhoods. Translation: they have to raise money to pay for “volunteers”.

The missions of the organizations that will receive money from the fundraiser in Michigan sound just as vague as they intersect with standard grievances of those in perpetual victimhood. “Birth justice”? This is the pro-abortion crowd.

Detroit Action fights for political power and racial and economic justice for working-class Detroiters.

Michigan Liberation is dedicated to leadership development and the creation of campaigns to advance racial, gender, economic and criminal justice reform statewide.

The Mothering Justice Action Fund advocates for affordable child care, birth justice, earned paid sick time, family medical leave insurance and raising the minimum wage.

According to Morning Consult, Trump’s approval numbers in Michigan are down 20 points, down 17 points in Pennsylvania, and down 20 points in Wisconsin. Trump has some campaigning to do. Look for him to be in these states often between now and Election Day 2020. As a matter of fact, he is in Pennsylvania today to tour a petrochemical plant.

I’ll end with this tweet from Milano. Monday was her daughter’s fifth birthday. She takes the opportunity to ask for yet more donations – this time for UNICEF. Her daughter is cute, if not a little bored, like most five-year-old kids.

The post Alyssa Milano announcement: Fundraising to flip Rust Belt states in 2020 appeared first on Hot Air.

Westlake Legal Group Alyssa-Milano-300x153 Alyssa Milano announcement: Fundraising to flip Rust Belt states in 2020 Wisconsin The Blog Rust Belt President Trump Pennsylvania Movement Voter Project Michigan Fundraising Alyssa Milano 2020 election   Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

Trump’s Electoral College Edge Could Grow in 2020, Rewarding Polarizing Campaign

Westlake Legal Group 19up-mapper1-1563493742586-facebookJumbo Trump’s Electoral College Edge Could Grow in 2020, Rewarding Polarizing Campaign Wisconsin Trump, Donald J Presidential Election of 2020 Polls and Public Opinion Politics and Government Midterm Elections (2018) Miami-Dade County (Fla) electoral college

President Trump’s approval ratings are under water in national polls. His position for re-election, on the other hand, might not be quite so bleak.

His advantage in the Electoral College, relative to the national popular vote, may be even larger than it was in 2016, according to an Upshot analysis of election results and polling data.

That persistent edge leaves him closer to re-election than one would think based on national polls, and it might blunt any electoral cost of actions like his recent tweets attacking four minority congresswomen.

For now, the mostly white working-class Rust Belt states, decisive in the 2016 election, remain at the center of the electoral map, based on our estimates. The Democrats have few obviously promising alternative paths to win without these battleground states. The president’s approval ratings remain higher in the Sun Belt battlegrounds than in the Rust Belt, despite Democratic hopes of a breakthrough.

The president’s views on immigration and trade play relatively well in the Northern battlegrounds, including among the pivotal Obama-Trump voters.

There are signs that some of these voters have soured on his presidency, based on recent polling. There is also reason to think that white working-class voters who supported Mr. Trump were relatively likely to stay home in last November’s midterm elections.

A strategy rooted in racial polarization could at once energize parts of the president’s base and rebuild support among wavering white working-class voters. Many of these voters backed Mr. Trump in the first place in part because of his views on hot-button issues, including on immigration and race.

Alone, the president’s relative advantage in the Electoral College does not necessarily make him a favorite to win. His approval rating is well beneath 50 percent in states worth more than 270 electoral votes, including in the Northern battleground states that decided the 2016 election.

And just because racial polarization could work to the president’s advantage in general doesn’t mean that his particular tactics will prove effective. The president’s campaign rally on Wednesday night seemed, at least in retrospect, to be too far even for him; he said Thursday that he disavowed the “send her back” chants that supporters directed toward a congresswoman who immigrated to the United States as a refugee.

But Mr. Trump’s approval rating has been stable even after seemingly big missteps. And if it improves by a modest amount — not unusual for incumbents with a strong economy — he could have a distinct chance to win re-election while losing the popular vote by more than he did in 2016, when he lost it by 2.1 percentage points.

The president’s relative advantage in the Electoral College could grow even further in a high-turnout election, which could pad Democratic margins nationwide while doing little to help them in the Northern battleground states.

It is even possible that Mr. Trump could win while losing the national vote by as much as five percentage points.

The best available evidence on the president’s standing by state comes from the large 2018 election surveys. Their quality is generally high, and unlike most surveys, they have been adjusted to match actual election results, ironing out many potential biases of pre-election polls. Although these surveys are nearly nine months old, the stability of the president’s overall approval ratings means, for our purposes, that they remain a decent measure of the distribution of his support.

Taken together, the president’s approval rating among midterm voters stood at about 45.5 percent, excluding the voters who did not express an opinion (for comparability, measures of the president’s approval will exclude voters without an opinion).

By state, the president’s approval rating was beneath 50 percent in states worth 310 electoral votes: the states carried by Hillary Clinton, along with Michigan, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Iowa, Arizona and North Carolina. This is not exactly good news for the president, but not as bad as it typically would be given an approval rating of 45.5 percent. John McCain, for instance, lost states worth 365 electoral votes in 2008 while winning 45.7 percent of the vote.

The most important measure of the president’s strength in the Electoral College, relative to the national vote, is the difference between the national vote and the “tipping-point state” — the state most likely to push a candidate over the Electoral College threshold.

Wisconsin was the tipping-point state in 2016, and it seems to hold that distinction now, at least based on the president’s approval rating among 2018 midterm voters.

Over all, the president’s approval rating was 47.1 percent in Wisconsin, above his 45.5 percent nationwide. This implies that the president’s advantage in the Electoral College, at least by his approval rating, is fairly similar to what it was in 2016.

A closer look at the underlying evidence suggests there’s reason to think the president’s ratings could be higher than estimated in the state. The estimates are based on four measures of the president’s standing, and there is one outlier: the Votecast survey, which places the president’s net approval rating at minus 13, or 43.6 percent approval. The other three are in close agreement, placing the president’s rating between 47 percent and 48 percent.

There is an additional piece of evidence, unique to Wisconsin, that’s consistent with a stronger position for the president: the Marquette University poll, which gave Mr. Trump a minus 5 net approval among likely voters in its final poll before the midterms. Over the longer run, the president has averaged a minus 5 net approval among registered voters (not midterm voters) in Marquette polls since October.

In other words, most measures suggest that the president’s rating is higher than 47.1 percent in Wisconsin. If you excluded the Votecast data and added the final Marquette poll, the president’s approval rating would rise to 47.6 percent — or a net 4.2 points higher than his nationwide approval.

It is important to emphasize that it is impossible to nail down the president’s standing in Wisconsin, or any state, with precision. But Wisconsin is the pivotal state in this analysis, and a one-point difference there could potentially be decisive.

One reason that such a small swing in Wisconsin could be so important is that the Democrats do not have an obviously promising alternative if Wisconsin drifts to the right.

In 2016, Florida was that obviously promising alternative: It voted for Mr. Trump by 1.2 percentage points, compared with his 0.8-point victory in Wisconsin.

But all of the measures indicate that Florida has shifted to the right of the nation since 2016, at least among 2018 midterm voters. The president’s approval rating in Florida was essentially even — and by our measure, slightly positive. Republicans narrowly won the Florida fights for Senate and governor, and also the statewide U.S. House vote.

The next tier of Democratic opportunities doesn’t provide an easy backstop to Democratic weakness in Wisconsin either. There’s Arizona, where Democrats had a good midterm cycle, but where the president’s approval rating is plainly stronger than it is nationwide or in Wisconsin. The same is true of Iowa or North Carolina, though the president’s standing in those states is somewhat more uncertain in the absence of an exit poll or a high-profile statewide result.

In the end, these states, particularly Arizona, could prove to be a better opportunity for Democrats than Wisconsin. But at least based on this evidence, it would probably be more a reflection of Democratic weakness in Wisconsin than strength elsewhere.

In both Wisconsin and Florida, the president’s resilience seems grounded in two regions: the Milwaukee area and Miami-Dade County.

The president’s average approval rating in the Milwaukee media market stands at 48 percent — virtually unchanged from what it was in 2016, in a compilation of Marquette University polls since October. His approval has declined in the rest of the state, according to both the Marquette data and the exit polls, which also showed the president holding firm in the Milwaukee area. A similar pattern has showed up in statewide election results, where Republicans have tended to run strongly in the area.

The president’s approval rating in Miami-Dade may even be better than his standing there in 2016, based on three Times/Siena surveys of two districts there, Florida’s 26th and 27th. These polls were also highly accurate, coming within a point of the election results. On average, the president’s approval rating stood at 45.7 percent among the likely electorate in the two districts — well above his 40.8 percent share of the major-party vote there in the 2016 presidential election.

At first glance, these regions might seem to have little in common. But in terms of politics, their idiosyncrasies have played out in similar ways.

Both are regions where the Republicans do better than demographics would lead you to expect. Milwaukee is one of the last Northern metropolitan areas where Republicans still rule the suburbs; Miami-Dade is one of the few places where Republicans win Hispanics, in this case Cuban voters.

Both areas were, or still are, represented by major establishment figures in Republican politics: Scott Walker, Paul Ryan, Jeb Bush and Marco Rubio. Many fought hard against Mr. Trump in the primary. These areas were some of Mr. Trump’s weakest of the primary season — he won 22 percent in the primaries in Miami-Dade and in Waukesha, Wis.

Hillary Clinton improved over Barack Obama in both areas in 2016. The president’s apparent resilience or recovery in these regions contrasts with what has happened elsewhere in the country. But it is possible that the real anomaly was his weakness in 2016, which was perhaps in part because of the president’s hostility to his prominent skeptics in these areas. The Republican establishment is now unified, if belatedly, behind the president; perhaps these voters have unified behind him as well.

Many assume that the huge turnout expected in 2020 will benefit Democrats, but it’s not so straightforward. It could conceivably work to the advantage of either party, and either way, higher turnout could widen the gap between the Electoral College and the popular vote.

That’s because the major Democratic opportunity — to mobilize nonwhite and young voters on the periphery of politics — would disproportionately help Democrats in diverse, often noncompetitive states.

The major Republican opportunity — to mobilize less educated white voters, particularly those who voted in 2016 but sat out 2018 — would disproportionately help them in white, working-class areas overrepresented in the Northern battleground states.

If everyone who was eligible to vote turned up at the polls, the gap between the Sun Belt and Rust Belt would close. Texas, astonishingly, would emerge as the tipping-point state. Wisconsin and Pennsylvania, by contrast, would barely budge.

Of course, a full-turnout election is not going to happen. In recent months, analysts have speculated about a 70 percent turnout among eligible voters, up from 60 percent in 2016.

In this kind of high-turnout presidential election, by our estimates, the tipping-point state would drift to the right as people who voted in 2016 but not in 2018 return to the electorate and nudge states like Pennsylvania and Wisconsin toward the president. At the same time, the Sun Belt would drift left. Arizona could overtake Wisconsin as the tipping-point state. But even in this hypothetical high-turnout election, the president’s approval rating in Arizona would be higher than it was in 2018 in Wisconsin. It becomes harder for the Democrats to win the presidency.

In such an election, the tipping-point state could have a net approval rating that is five points higher than the president’s national net approval rating, potentially allowing the president to win re-election while losing the popular vote by a wide margin.

This analysis mainly covers the opportunities available to both parties; we can’t know which side will take better advantage of them. And it’s important to emphasize that the kind of slight difference in measuring Wisconsin is beyond our ability to discern with great confidence, even using high-quality, calibrated data.

All of this is based on the president’s approval rating — well ahead of the election. Most presidents manage to improve their approval rating between this point and the election, particularly with a strong economy. But unforeseen events could also hurt his approval rating; it is even imaginable that the president could go too far on immigration for some of his more moderate supporters.

If the president’s ratings improve, the crucial question will be where. The answer is likely to be influenced by the contrast he can draw with his still-undetermined opponent.

Democrats could nominate a candidate who tries to win the presidency by mobilizing a new, diverse coalition with relative strength in Sun Belt states, while making little or no effort to secure the support of the white working-class voters with reservations about the president.

The Democrats could certainly win in the Sun Belt states, even in Texas. Perhaps this kind of Democrat could generate such a favorable turnout that it helps the party even in relatively white states.

But it’s also a strategy that would tend to increase the risk of a wide gap between the Electoral College and the national vote. It’s also hard to see how it would be the easier way forward for Democrats, at least as long as the president’s approval rating in the Rust Belt remains so much lower than in the Sun Belt states.

Of course, the campaign season has barely begun. The election could wind up being a simple referendum on the president, and his approval ratings suggest he could lose, perhaps even decisively. But his relative advantage in the Electoral College could ensure his political survival.

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

2020 Won’t Repeat the Mistakes of 2016, Whatever They Were

WASHINGTON — Democrats still don’t agree on why they lost the White House in 2016. But they have absolutely no intention of repeating their mistakes.

Whatever they were, exactly.

Was it the loss of working-class white voters or urban black voters? Too much talk of Donald J. Trump or not enough? And what about those Russians?

If Hillary Clinton’s decision to skip campaigning in Wisconsin was a problem, the party has that one covered. Democrats selected Milwaukee as the site of their national convention a year from now.

In Michigan and Pennsylvania, states where Hillary Clinton lost after polling ahead for months, Democratic candidates pop up at coffee shops and farmers’ markets, field questions from audiences in packed high school auditoriums and clog up cellphone voice mail boxes.

“You’re making me confess to a secret,” said Representative Mark Pocan of Wisconsin, a liberal who represents the area around Madison. He explained that his voice mail was full and no one could leave new messages. It’s been that way since the beginning of the year, and he said has no plans to clear it out. “That way I don’t have to deal with the candidates,” he said. “We have a few calling, obviously.”

[Sign up for our politics newsletter and join the conversation around the 2020 presidential race.]

From former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr., who kicked off his 2020 campaign in a Pittsburgh union hall, to Senator Kirsten Gillibrand’s effort to energize her campaign with a Rust Belt bus tour last week, the presidential candidates are eager to show Democratic voters, officials and activists that they’re fighting the next war — by way of the last one.

Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania have become an electoral Bermuda triangle for Democrats, with a pull so strong that they’re frequently mentioned at campaign events in Iowa and New Hampshire, where voters will set the course for the 2020 primary race.

“We’ve got to put someone at the top of the ticket who can win in places like Iowa and Wisconsin and Michigan and Pennsylvania, right? We all know that,” Senator Amy Klobuchar told voters during a Saturday campaign stop in Waterloo, Iowa.

ImageWestlake Legal Group merlin_157794408_d883630c-9520-4bac-89c7-cf919da75dee-articleLarge 2020 Won’t Repeat the Mistakes of 2016, Whatever They Were Wisconsin Warren, Elizabeth Schatz, Brian Rendell, Edward G Presidential Election of 2020 Presidential Election of 2016 Pocan, Mark Pennsylvania Michigan Klobuchar, Amy Houlahan, Chrissy Harris, Kamala D Gillibrand, Kirsten E Democratic Party Clinton, Hillary Rodham Biden, Joseph R Jr

The Fiserv Forum in Milwaukee, where the 2020 Democratic National Convention will be held.CreditLauren Justice for The New York Times

Two days later Mr. Biden said his candidacy relies on winning the same set of states.

“I’m accustomed to winning places like Pennsylvania and Ohio, Michigan and Wisconsin,” he told 200 people gathered on the driveway at the home of former Gov. Tom Vilsack of Iowa. “There’s no way a Democrat can get elected president without winning Pennsylvania, you just can’t do it.”

The Rust Belt bus tours and campaign cattle calls are far more about lingering post-traumatic stress from the Democrats’ 2016 loss than any current electoral strategy. While the traditionally blue states are likely to be crucial to Democrats in a general election, none of the three are scheduled to hold their primary vote before Super Tuesday, the dozen-state primary that’s widely expected to winnow the field in early March.

Of course, the 2020 race bears little resemblance to the last race — or any other primary in modern electoral history. The crowded Democratic field is four times as big as it was at its largest point in 2016, historically diverse and features the widest age gap ever seen in a primary contest. Democrats may have new opportunities in states where demographics are shifting like Georgia, Arizona and Texas. And the nominee will face a sitting president, who has shown some eagerness to intervene in the opposing party primary contest.

[President Trump’s re-election strategy involves stoking cultural and racial resentments, just as he did in 2016.]

The field of 2020 candidates is eager to reassure voters that if they win, they won’t take anything for granted, even as they handle the previous Democratic nominee with extreme care. Earlier this year, Ms. Klobuchar quickly called Mrs. Clinton to apologize, after she launched her bid with promises to win in Wisconsin that were seen as a jab at the former Secretary of State.

Still, the implicit critique rings clear to Democratic voters and donors.

“I was one of Hillary Clinton’s finance chairs and unfortunately she didn’t come into Michigan enough. They’re not ignoring us now,” said Barry Goodman, a Democratic donor in the Detroit suburbs who is raising money for Mr. Biden.

In town hall meetings and diner meet-and-greets, Democrats frequently bring up the 2016 defeat, often as an origin story for how they became more engaged in national politics.

“People continue to come up to me to tell me the story of where they were on the evening of Nov. 8, 2016, how it impacted them, how they’ve since become engaged,” said Representative Chrissy Houlahan, a freshman from the Philadelphia suburbs who’s being wooed by multiple presidential candidates for an endorsement. “It’s seared in the collective memory.”

Former vice president Joseph R. Biden Jr. kicked off his 2020 campaign in a Pittsburgh union hall in April.CreditMaddie McGarvey for The New York Times

For others, the shock of that loss transformed them into cable news pundits, eager to project what white Rust Belt voters may — or may not — want in a candidate over what they personally might prefer.

“We have created an electorate full of pundits and strategists, and the result is that we’re puzzling through not who we like but who we imagine someone else will like,” said Senator Brian Schatz, Democrat of Hawaii. “It’s a fool’s errand to imagine who will be appealing to someone else.”

The armchair punditry is only exacerbated by a steady drumbeat of polling on the race. After a period of soul searching, pollsters are once again up and running.

A 2017 report by the American Association for Public Opinion Research, an industry group, recommended some changes to polling, notably improving accounting for voters’ education levels, surveying people closer to Election Day and pressing those who say they are undecided on which way they might be leaning. But mostly, the report blamed the “large, problematic errors” in state polls on a single culprit: Money.

“It is a persistent frustration within polling and the larger survey research community that the profession is judged based on how these often under-budgeted state polls perform relative to the election outcome,” the report noted.

But Charles Franklin, the director of the Marquette Law School poll in Milwaukee, who helped craft the report, says while it identified some problems and suggested solutions, none were a “magic bullet.” He’s back in business for the 2020 election, with some tweaks to how he surveys voters who say they’re undecided.

“At least, we have to be self-aware of what we are doing,” he said. “You look at all your data and everything you do and you make some adjustments, but in the end you have to trust your data, recognizing that the data can be wrong.”

That’s certainly a lesson President Trump remembers. His campaign is trying to recapture the magic by running on the same message of cracking down on immigration, race-baiting and skepticism toward conventional political wisdom — starting with ignoring what he calls “phony polling.”

Senator Cory Booker campaigned in Milwaukee.CreditTannen Maury/EPA, via Shutterstock

“I’m going to do it the same way I did it the first time,” he said in an interview with ABC News last month.

Democrats remain far more divided over what lessons their party should draw from the last race.

“There’s something fundamental about the fact that Trump presented himself as a noxious human and still won that is disconcerting and unsettling about America,” said Adam Jentleson, a Democratic strategist working for a group focused on suing Mr. Trump. “But the why, we don’t know. It depends who you talk to.”

Senator Elizabeth Warren rarely mentions Mr. Trump in her stump speech, focusing instead on her plans for transforming the country’s economy. Mr. Biden takes nearly the exact opposite tack, weaving his opposition to the current president into nearly all parts of his argument. His supporters argue that the race will be won by convincing moderates that the Democratic nominee is a safer choice than Mr. Trump.

“We’ve got to get moderate working-class Democrats back,” said former Gov. Ed Rendell of Pennsylvania, who’s backing Mr. Biden. “We’ve got to get candidates that they can relate to.”

Senator Kamala Harris, meanwhile, argues that the path to victory for Democrats runs through energizing the women, people of color, and younger voters that make up the backbone of the party.

Her campaign, along with others in the party, believes that mobilizing these voters in cities like Detroit, Milwaukee and Philadelphia could make the difference in the three states in question.

“There are things we all understand about what happened in 2016 aside from Russian interference,” said Adrianne Shropshire, who runs BlackPAC, an African-American political organizing group. “What is clear is that there were key segments of the Democratic base that stayed home.”

Others think that Democrats should spend less time and money in traditional swing states like Ohio and Iowa and instead focus on shifting their map into the rapidly changing Sun Belt, where they found success during the 2018 midterms.

All the uncertainty has left some Democrats urging voters to take a truly radical stance: Just vote for who you believe in.

“Put your money on someone who energizes and excites you,” said Mr. Jentleson, “rather than someone who appeals to a voter in a diner in rural Michigan who you invited in your head.”

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

Why 2020 Democrats Won’t Stop Talking About Wisconsin

WASHINGTON — Democrats still don’t agree on why they lost the White House in 2016. But they have absolutely no intention of repeating their mistakes.

Whatever they were, exactly.

Was it the loss of working-class white voters or urban black voters? Too much talk of Donald J. Trump or not enough? And what about those Russians?

If Hillary Clinton’s decision to skip campaigning in Wisconsin was a problem, the party has that one covered. Democrats selected Milwaukee as the site of their national convention a year from now.

In Michigan and Pennsylvania, states where Hillary Clinton lost after polling ahead for months, Democratic candidates pop up at coffee shops and farmers’ markets, field questions from audiences in packed high school auditoriums and clog up cellphone voice mail boxes.

“You’re making me confess to a secret,” said Representative Mark Pocan of Wisconsin, a liberal who represents the area around Madison. He explained that his voice mail was full and no one could leave new messages. It’s been that way since the beginning of the year, and he said has no plans to clear it out. “That way I don’t have to deal with the candidates,” he said. “We have a few calling, obviously.”

[Sign up for our politics newsletter and join the conversation around the 2020 presidential race.]

From former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr., who kicked off his 2020 campaign in a Pittsburgh union hall, to Senator Kirsten Gillibrand’s effort to energize her campaign with a Rust Belt bus tour last week, the presidential candidates are eager to show Democratic voters, officials and activists that they’re fighting the next war — by way of the last one.

Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania have become an electoral Bermuda triangle for Democrats, with a pull so strong that they’re frequently mentioned at campaign events in Iowa and New Hampshire, where voters will set the course for the 2020 primary race.

“We’ve got to put someone at the top of the ticket who can win in places like Iowa and Wisconsin and Michigan and Pennsylvania, right? We all know that,” Senator Amy Klobuchar told voters during a Saturday campaign stop in Waterloo, Iowa.

ImageWestlake Legal Group merlin_157794408_d883630c-9520-4bac-89c7-cf919da75dee-articleLarge Why 2020 Democrats Won’t Stop Talking About Wisconsin Wisconsin Warren, Elizabeth Schatz, Brian Rendell, Edward G Presidential Election of 2020 Presidential Election of 2016 Pocan, Mark Pennsylvania Michigan Klobuchar, Amy Houlahan, Chrissy Harris, Kamala D Gillibrand, Kirsten E Democratic Party Clinton, Hillary Rodham Biden, Joseph R Jr

The Fiserv Forum in Milwaukee, where the 2020 Democratic National Convention will be held.CreditLauren Justice for The New York Times

Two days later Mr. Biden said his candidacy relies on winning the same set of states.

“I’m accustomed to winning places like Pennsylvania and Ohio, Michigan and Wisconsin,” he told 200 people gathered on the driveway at the home of former Gov. Tom Vilsack of Iowa. “There’s no way a Democrat can get elected president without winning Pennsylvania, you just can’t do it.”

The Rust Belt bus tours and campaign cattle calls are far more about lingering post-traumatic stress from the Democrats’ 2016 loss than any current electoral strategy. While the traditionally blue states are likely to be crucial to Democrats in a general election, none of the three are scheduled to hold their primary vote before Super Tuesday, the dozen-state primary that’s widely expected to winnow the field in early March.

Of course, the 2020 race bears little resemblance to the last race — or any other primary in modern electoral history. The crowded Democratic field is four times as big as it was at its largest point in 2016, historically diverse and features the widest age gap ever seen in a primary contest. Democrats may have new opportunities in states where demographics are shifting like Georgia, Arizona and Texas. And the nominee will face a sitting president, who has shown some eagerness to intervene in the opposing party primary contest.

[President Trump’s re-election strategy involves stoking cultural and racial resentments, just as he did in 2016.]

The field of 2020 candidates is eager to reassure voters that if they win, they won’t take anything for granted, even as they handle the previous Democratic nominee with extreme care. Earlier this year, Ms. Klobuchar quickly called Mrs. Clinton to apologize, after she launched her bid with promises to win in Wisconsin that were seen as a jab at the former Secretary of State.

Still, the implicit critique rings clear to Democratic voters and donors.

“I was one of Hillary Clinton’s finance chairs and unfortunately she didn’t come into Michigan enough. They’re not ignoring us now,” said Barry Goodman, a Democratic donor in the Detroit suburbs who is raising money for Mr. Biden.

In town hall meetings and diner meet-and-greets, Democrats frequently bring up the 2016 defeat, often as an origin story for how they became more engaged in national politics.

“People continue to come up to me to tell me the story of where they were on the evening of Nov. 8, 2016, how it impacted them, how they’ve since become engaged,” said Representative Chrissy Houlahan, a freshman from the Philadelphia suburbs who’s being wooed by multiple presidential candidates for an endorsement. “It’s seared in the collective memory.”

Former vice president Joseph R. Biden Jr. kicked off his 2020 campaign in a Pittsburgh union hall in April.CreditMaddie McGarvey for The New York Times

For others, the shock of that loss transformed them into cable news pundits, eager to project what white Rust Belt voters may — or may not — want in a candidate over what they personally might prefer.

“We have created an electorate full of pundits and strategists, and the result is that we’re puzzling through not who we like but who we imagine someone else will like,” said Senator Brian Schatz, Democrat of Hawaii. “It’s a fool’s errand to imagine who will be appealing to someone else.”

The armchair punditry is only exacerbated by a steady drumbeat of polling on the race. After a period of soul searching, pollsters are once again up and running.

A 2017 report by the American Association for Public Opinion Research, an industry group, recommended some changes to polling, notably improving accounting for voters’ education levels, surveying people closer to Election Day and pressing those who say they are undecided on which way they might be leaning. But mostly, the report blamed the “large, problematic errors” in state polls on a single culprit: Money.

“It is a persistent frustration within polling and the larger survey research community that the profession is judged based on how these often under-budgeted state polls perform relative to the election outcome,” the report noted.

But Charles Franklin, the director of the Marquette Law School poll in Milwaukee, who helped craft the report, says while it identified some problems and suggested solutions, none were a “magic bullet.” He’s back in business for the 2020 election, with some tweaks to how he surveys voters who say they’re undecided.

“At least, we have to be self-aware of what we are doing,” he said. “You look at all your data and everything you do and you make some adjustments, but in the end you have to trust your data, recognizing that the data can be wrong.”

That’s certainly a lesson President Trump remembers. His campaign is trying to recapture the magic by running on the same message of cracking down on immigration, race-baiting and skepticism toward conventional political wisdom — starting with ignoring what he calls “phony polling.”

Senator Cory Booker campaigned in Milwaukee.CreditTannen Maury/EPA, via Shutterstock

“I’m going to do it the same way I did it the first time,” he said in an interview with ABC News last month.

Democrats remain far more divided over what lessons their party should draw from the last race.

“There’s something fundamental about the fact that Trump presented himself as a noxious human and still won that is disconcerting and unsettling about America,” said Adam Jentleson, a Democratic strategist working for a group focused on suing Mr. Trump. “But the why, we don’t know. It depends who you talk to.”

Senator Elizabeth Warren rarely mentions Mr. Trump in her stump speech, focusing instead on her plans for transforming the country’s economy. Mr. Biden takes nearly the exact opposite tack, weaving his opposition to the current president into nearly all parts of his argument. His supporters argue that the race will be won by convincing moderates that the Democratic nominee is a safer choice than Mr. Trump.

“We’ve got to get moderate working-class Democrats back,” said former Gov. Ed Rendell of Pennsylvania, who’s backing Mr. Biden. “We’ve got to get candidates that they can relate to.”

Senator Kamala Harris, meanwhile, argues that the path to victory for Democrats runs through energizing the women, people of color, and younger voters that make up the backbone of the party.

Her campaign, along with others in the party, believes that mobilizing these voters in cities like Detroit, Milwaukee and Philadelphia could make the difference in the three states in question.

“There are things we all understand about what happened in 2016 aside from Russian interference,” said Adrianne Shropshire, who runs BlackPAC, an African-American political organizing group. “What is clear is that there were key segments of the Democratic base that stayed home.”

Others think that Democrats should spend less time and money in traditional swing states like Ohio and Iowa and instead focus on shifting their map into the rapidly changing Sun Belt, where they found success during the 2018 midterms.

All the uncertainty has left some Democrats urging voters to take a truly radical stance: Just vote for who you believe in.

“Put your money on someone who energizes and excites you,” said Mr. Jentleson, “rather than someone who appeals to a voter in a diner in rural Michigan who you invited in your head.”

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2020 Won’t Repeat the Mistakes of 2016, Whatever They Were

WASHINGTON — Democrats still don’t agree on why they lost the White House in 2016. But they have absolutely no intention of repeating their mistakes.

Whatever they were, exactly.

Was it the loss of working-class white voters or urban black voters? Too much talk of Donald J. Trump or not enough? And what about those Russians?

If Hillary Clinton’s decision to skip campaigning in Wisconsin was a problem, the party has that one covered. Democrats selected Milwaukee as the site of their national convention a year from now.

In Michigan and Pennsylvania, states where Hillary Clinton lost after polling ahead for months, Democratic candidates pop up at coffee shops and farmers’ markets, field questions from audiences in packed high school auditoriums and clog up cellphone voice mail boxes.

“You’re making me confess to a secret,” said Representative Mark Pocan of Wisconsin, a liberal who represents the area around Madison. He explained that his voice mail was full and no one could leave new messages. It’s been that way since the beginning of the year, and he said has no plans to clear it out. “That way I don’t have to deal with the candidates,” he said. “We have a few calling, obviously.”

[Sign up for our politics newsletter and join the conversation around the 2020 presidential race.]

From former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr., who kicked off his 2020 campaign in a Pittsburgh union hall, to Senator Kirsten Gillibrand’s effort to energize her campaign with a Rust Belt bus tour last week, the presidential candidates are eager to show Democratic voters, officials and activists that they’re fighting the next war — by way of the last one.

Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania have become an electoral Bermuda triangle for Democrats, with a pull so strong that they’re frequently mentioned at campaign events in Iowa and New Hampshire, where voters will set the course for the 2020 primary race.

“We’ve got to put someone at the top of the ticket who can win in places like Iowa and Wisconsin and Michigan and Pennsylvania, right? We all know that,” Senator Amy Klobuchar told voters during a Saturday campaign stop in Waterloo, Iowa.

ImageWestlake Legal Group merlin_157794408_d883630c-9520-4bac-89c7-cf919da75dee-articleLarge 2020 Won’t Repeat the Mistakes of 2016, Whatever They Were Wisconsin Warren, Elizabeth Schatz, Brian Rendell, Edward G Presidential Election of 2020 Presidential Election of 2016 Pocan, Mark Pennsylvania Michigan Klobuchar, Amy Houlahan, Chrissy Harris, Kamala D Gillibrand, Kirsten E Democratic Party Clinton, Hillary Rodham Biden, Joseph R Jr

The Fiserv Forum in Milwaukee, where the 2020 Democratic National Convention will be held.CreditLauren Justice for The New York Times

Two days later Mr. Biden said his candidacy relies on winning the same set of states.

“I’m accustomed to winning places like Pennsylvania and Ohio, Michigan and Wisconsin,” he told 200 people gathered on the driveway at the home of former Gov. Tom Vilsack of Iowa. “There’s no way a Democrat can get elected president without winning Pennsylvania, you just can’t do it.”

The Rust Belt bus tours and campaign cattle calls are far more about lingering post-traumatic stress from the Democrats’ 2016 loss than any current electoral strategy. While the traditionally blue states are likely to be crucial to Democrats in a general election, none of the three are scheduled to hold their primary vote before Super Tuesday, the dozen-state primary that’s widely expected to winnow the field in early March.

Of course, the 2020 race bears little resemblance to the last race — or any other primary in modern electoral history. The crowded Democratic field is four times as big as it was at its largest point in 2016, historically diverse and features the widest age gap ever seen in a primary contest. Democrats may have new opportunities in states where demographics are shifting like Georgia, Arizona and Texas. And the nominee will face a sitting president, who has shown some eagerness to intervene in the opposing party primary contest.

[President Trump’s re-election strategy involves stoking cultural and racial resentments, just as he did in 2016.]

The field of 2020 candidates is eager to reassure voters that if they win, they won’t take anything for granted, even as they handle the previous Democratic nominee with extreme care. Earlier this year, Ms. Klobuchar quickly called Mrs. Clinton to apologize, after she launched her bid with promises to win in Wisconsin that were seen as a jab at the former Secretary of State.

Still, the implicit critique rings clear to Democratic voters and donors.

“I was one of Hillary Clinton’s finance chairs and unfortunately she didn’t come into Michigan enough. They’re not ignoring us now,” said Barry Goodman, a Democratic donor in the Detroit suburbs who is raising money for Mr. Biden.

In town hall meetings and diner meet-and-greets, Democrats frequently bring up the 2016 defeat, often as an origin story for how they became more engaged in national politics.

“People continue to come up to me to tell me the story of where they were on the evening of Nov. 8, 2016, how it impacted them, how they’ve since become engaged,” said Representative Chrissy Houlahan, a freshman from the Philadelphia suburbs who’s being wooed by multiple presidential candidates for an endorsement. “It’s seared in the collective memory.”

Former vice president Joseph R. Biden Jr. kicked off his 2020 campaign in a Pittsburgh union hall in April.CreditMaddie McGarvey for The New York Times

For others, the shock of that loss transformed them into cable news pundits, eager to project what white Rust Belt voters may — or may not — want in a candidate over what they personally might prefer.

“We have created an electorate full of pundits and strategists, and the result is that we’re puzzling through not who we like but who we imagine someone else will like,” said Senator Brian Schatz, Democrat of Hawaii. “It’s a fool’s errand to imagine who will be appealing to someone else.”

The armchair punditry is only exacerbated by a steady drumbeat of polling on the race. After a period of soul searching, pollsters are once again up and running.

A 2017 report by the American Association for Public Opinion Research, an industry group, recommended some changes to polling, notably improving accounting for voters’ education levels, surveying people closer to Election Day and pressing those who say they are undecided on which way they might be leaning. But mostly, the report blamed the “large, problematic errors” in state polls on a single culprit: Money.

“It is a persistent frustration within polling and the larger survey research community that the profession is judged based on how these often under-budgeted state polls perform relative to the election outcome,” the report noted.

But Charles Franklin, the director of the Marquette Law School poll in Milwaukee, who helped craft the report, says while it identified some problems and suggested solutions, none were a “magic bullet.” He’s back in business for the 2020 election, with some tweaks to how he surveys voters who say they’re undecided.

“At least, we have to be self-aware of what we are doing,” he said. “You look at all your data and everything you do and you make some adjustments, but in the end you have to trust your data, recognizing that the data can be wrong.”

That’s certainly a lesson President Trump remembers. His campaign is trying to recapture the magic by running on the same message of cracking down on immigration, race-baiting and skepticism toward conventional political wisdom — starting with ignoring what he calls “phony polling.”

Senator Cory Booker campaigned in Milwaukee.CreditTannen Maury/EPA, via Shutterstock

“I’m going to do it the same way I did it the first time,” he said in an interview with ABC News last month.

Democrats remain far more divided over what lessons their party should draw from the last race.

“There’s something fundamental about the fact that Trump presented himself as a noxious human and still won that is disconcerting and unsettling about America,” said Adam Jentleson, a Democratic strategist working for a group focused on suing Mr. Trump. “But the why, we don’t know. It depends who you talk to.”

Senator Elizabeth Warren rarely mentions Mr. Trump in her stump speech, focusing instead on her plans for transforming the country’s economy. Mr. Biden takes nearly the exact opposite tack, weaving his opposition to the current president into nearly all parts of his argument. His supporters argue that the race will be won by convincing moderates that the Democratic nominee is a safer choice than Mr. Trump.

“We’ve got to get moderate working-class Democrats back,” said former Gov. Ed Rendell of Pennsylvania, who’s backing Mr. Biden. “We’ve got to get candidates that they can relate to.”

Senator Kamala Harris, meanwhile, argues that the path to victory for Democrats runs through energizing the women, people of color, and younger voters that make up the backbone of the party.

Her campaign, along with others in the party, believes that mobilizing these voters in cities like Detroit, Milwaukee and Philadelphia could make the difference in the three states in question.

“There are things we all understand about what happened in 2016 aside from Russian interference,” said Adrianne Shropshire, who runs BlackPAC, an African-American political organizing group. “What is clear is that there were key segments of the Democratic base that stayed home.”

Others think that Democrats should spend less time and money in traditional swing states like Ohio and Iowa and instead focus on shifting their map into the rapidly changing Sun Belt, where they found success during the 2018 midterms.

All the uncertainty has left some Democrats urging voters to take a truly radical stance: Just vote for who you believe in.

“Put your money on someone who energizes and excites you,” said Mr. Jentleson, “rather than someone who appeals to a voter in a diner in rural Michigan who you invited in your head.”

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Police Report: Wisconsin Man Murdered His 5-Year-Old Son for Eating His Father’s Day Cake

Westlake Legal Group travis-stackhouse-mugshot-SCREENSHOT Police Report: Wisconsin Man Murdered His 5-Year-Old Son for Eating His Father’s Day Cake Wisconsin Violence Uncategorized travis stackhouse murder MILWAUKEE law Front Page Stories Father's Day Culture crime children Allow Media Exception

[Screenshot from Fox6 News, https://twitter.com/fox6now/status/1144280302216450051]

 

On Saturday, June 22nd in Wisconsin, a man punched and killed his 5-year-old son because the little boy ate his Father’s Day cake.

Allegedly, of course, as is the case with all details of the incident described below.

Imagine how hard you’d have to punch someone to kill them.

How in the world could there exist a person remotely willing to strike a child with such force, much less desirous to do so?

And who decided that person deserved a cake??

29-year-old Travis Stackhouse initially denied the assault, blaming it on the kid having fallen down the stairs. But after one of his other 4 children ratted him out, he told law enforcement he was upset Friday because “others were eating” his Father’s Day cake.

He’d only had one piece himself.

Subsequently, he punched the little boy in the stomach and hit him in the face.

According to a criminal complaint acquired by Milwaukee’s Fox6, the child suffered bruising to both his eyes, a cut to his lip, and a laceration on his sternum.

Travis is a stay-at-home (-and-murder) dad; his girlfriend brings home the bacon.

As reported, he went out with friends after delivering death blows to his 5-year-old. When he returned home, his girlfriend was on the phone with 911 because something was wrong with the little boy.

The young and helpless child was pronounced deceased at the scene.

Travis admitted his girlfriend had “often warned him not to hit the children so hard.”

A better warning would’ve been, “Don’t ever hit the children at all.”

I can think of some more explicit warnings, too.

Will justice be served in this case? Certainly not. Justice is impossible where it concerns the murder of an innocent. Vengeance, however, may be attempted by the state.

If you’re reading this and you’re also “Travis Stackhouse,” I hope you’re out in the world doing some great things. Y’all’ve got some work to do to elevate the name. There’s also this guy:

In the meantime, may the greatest degree of justice possible be wrought upon any man who hurts a child.

-ALEX

 

See 3 more pieces from me:

Male Hurdler Competing In The NCAA Women’s Division Tells ESPN It’s The Women Who Have The Advantage

Jordan Peterson Touts New Free-Speech Social Media Platform – ‘We Won’t Take You Down Unless Ordered By A Court Of Law’

Dwayne Johnson’s Acceptance Speech Turns Back The Clock To Traditional Values With A Much-Needed Life Lesson

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YOU’RE KIDDING. Peter Freakin Strzok Was Concerned That This Agency Had Political Bias

Westlake Legal Group youre-kidding-peter-freakin-strzok-was-concerned-that-this-agency-had-political-bias YOU’RE KIDDING. Peter Freakin Strzok Was Concerned That This Agency Had Political Bias Wisconsin Russia Probe Ron Johnson Politics Peter Strzok Lisa Page Iowa Government Front Page Stories Featured Story FBI elections donald trump democrats Congress cia Chuck Grassley Allow Media Exception

Westlake Legal Group strzok-pointing-620x413 YOU’RE KIDDING. Peter Freakin Strzok Was Concerned That This Agency Had Political Bias Wisconsin Russia Probe Ron Johnson Politics Peter Strzok Lisa Page Iowa Government Front Page Stories Featured Story FBI elections donald trump democrats Congress cia Chuck Grassley Allow Media Exception

FBI Deputy Assistant Director Peter Strzok points down the hallway as he arrives for a House Committees on the Judiciary and Oversight and Government Reform joint hearing, Thursday, July 12, 2018, on Capitol Hill in Washington. (AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin)

 

Iowa Senator Charles Grassley and Wisconsin Senator Ron Johnson, chairmen of the Senate Finance and Homeland Security committees, respectively, turned the heat up on the Department of Justice last week, asking Attorney General Bill Barr about an apparent plan by disgraced former FBI counterintelligence guru Peter Strzok and his paramour, Lisa Page, to recruit informants inside Vice President Mike Pence’s transition team (see You’ll Never Believe Who The FBI Thought They Could Recruit As A Spy In The Trump White House). Now they’ve turned their eye upon the Intelligence Community.

There are a lot of stray factoids that indicate that the CIA, directly and by using its Five Eyes partners as cut-outs, was instrumental in creating a narrative that the Trump campaign was under Russian influence and it is a fact that disgraced former director of the CIA, John Brennan, was instrumental in pushing that narrative into the public’s consciousness. Many of the most inflammatory leaks seemed to originate from within the Intelligence Community. And now Grassley and Johnson are exploring those links.

In a letter dated today, May 6, the two senators ask the IC IG for some answers:

Westlake Legal Group grassley-johnson-ic-letter-strzok-620x403 YOU’RE KIDDING. Peter Freakin Strzok Was Concerned That This Agency Had Political Bias Wisconsin Russia Probe Ron Johnson Politics Peter Strzok Lisa Page Iowa Government Front Page Stories Featured Story FBI elections donald trump democrats Congress cia Chuck Grassley Allow Media Exception

(Read the whole letter)

There are two points to pause and consider for a moment.

Why would the CIA leak to the media information they hadn’t shared with the FBI? The answer that immediately comes to mind is that they did it for the same reason that Christopher Steele did a road tour to pitch his dossier to the media. Those media stories then became evidence used to bolster the credibility of the dossier, itself. The media are seemingly credulous and enthralled whenever a spook deigns to speak to them and fall into the stenographer role they usually reserve for interviewing progressive politicians. The public narrative emanating from the IC needs no proof beyond its source. Here you can see that Strzok immediately assumes that the IC has held back information from him rather than this is just the IC peddling unfalsifiable bullsh**. (This is the story he’s referring to.) The fact that these alleged contacts are not mentioned in the Mueller report speaks volumes for the veracity of the account.

And Strzok refers to the CIA and other IC organizations as “political.” It is no secret that the CIA has been a hotbed of Democrat activists since…well…a long, long time. If you recall, during the 2004 election, the CIA gave expedited clearance to a book called ‘Imperial Hubris’ which was written by an active CIA officer that amounted to an in-kind contribution to John Kerry’s campaign. The same agency relentlessly leaked classified “Aardwolf” report series which were hypercritical and pessimistic about the Iraq War. All in all, the CIA seemed hellbent on using its position to sandbag a sitting president. But, Peter Strzok is the insurance policy guy, he’s the guy who says Trump won’t be president on his watch. If he’s calling the CIA political, consider what that means in practical terms. That is like being the British cavalry officer who was so stupid that even the horses had started to notice.

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White House Correspondents Dinner Wallows In Self Pity and Irrelevance as Trump Has Fun

Westlake Legal Group white-house-correspondents-dinner-wallows-in-self-pity-and-irrelevance-as-trump-has-fun White House Correspondents Dinner Wallows In Self Pity and Irrelevance as Trump Has Fun Wisconsin white house correspondents dinner White House Correspondents Association white house Politics olivier knox Media Front Page Stories Featured Story douchebaggery donald trump democrats Allow Media Exception
Westlake Legal Group olivier-knox-whca-620x333 White House Correspondents Dinner Wallows In Self Pity and Irrelevance as Trump Has Fun Wisconsin white house correspondents dinner White House Correspondents Association white house Politics olivier knox Media Front Page Stories Featured Story douchebaggery donald trump democrats Allow Media Exception

Screengrab from https://youtu.be/Bt4eMNvogM4

For the second year, President Trump has declined to perform self-mortification by attending the White House Correspondents’ Dinner in favor of a rally. This year it was in Green Bay, WI. And while he was there he had some yuks at the expense of the media.

While Trump was taking the path not traveled by Hillary Clinton, the president of the White House Correspondents’ Association, a guy named, improbably, Olivier Knox was wallowing in self pity. Here is his speech. By the end of it you will want to drink yourself into oblivion out of boredom.

OLIVIER KNOX: I don’t want to dwell on the president. This is not his dinner. It’s ours, and it should stay ours. But I do want to say this. In nearly 23 years as a reporter, I’ve been physically assaulted by Republicans and Democrats, spat on, shoved, had crap thrown at me. I’ve been told by senior administration officials of both parties that I will never work in Washington again.

And there was a brief moment in Afghanistan when I thought a soldier not quite old enough to shave would shoot me dead for the crime of taking a picture inside the presidential palace.

And yet I still separate my career to before February 2017 and what came after. And February 2017 is when the president called us the “enemy of the people.” A few days later my son asked me, “Is Donald Trump going to put you in prison?” At the end of a family trip to Mexico, he mused if the president tried to keep me out of the country, at least Uncle Josh is a good lawyer and will get you home.

I’ve had to tell my family not to touch packages on our stoop. My name is on a statement criticizing the president for celebrating a congressman’s criminal assault on a reporter. I’ve had death threats, including one this week. Too many of us have. It shouldn’t need to be said in a room full of people who understand the power of words but fake news and enemies of the people are not punch lines, pet names or presidential. And we should reject politically expedient assaults on the men and women whose hard work makes it possible to hold the powerful to account.

I don’t even know what to think about a pseudo-man who is so emotionally fragile that he can actually believe this crap. First off, “Olivier” should know that he’s telling a lie in his introductory paragraphs. Trump never called “us” the “enemy of the people.” He called “Fake News” the “enemy of the people.” Either “Olivier” is knowingly spreading a falsehood (most probable) or he’s owning the fact that he’s a member of Fake News. And what kind of intellectually stunted conversations go on in a home that has a kid thinking that Trump was going to put journalists in prison…this is sort of a rhetorical question because no sane person believes this crap. How many reporters have been blown up by package bombs? And how many people who have been the subject of media stories have received death threats? On this latter issue, my feeling is that if you work in an amoral organization that will destroy reputations for sh**s and grins and cause other people to receive death threats you have no right to be surprised or offended when the same happens to you.

The whole claim that reporters “hold the powerful to account” is unadulterated bullsh**. The carry on a jihad against Republicans and against conservatives but they could give a fat rat’s ass what the Democrats do. How much coverage was given of Bernie Sanders’s wife driving a small college out of business by illegal land speculation? How many articles were written downplaying Hillary Clinton keeping several thousand classified documents on a server that had no security measures? Was Eric Holder ever held accountable by the press for Fast & Furious and lying to Congress? No. They weren’t. On the other hand, did the media knowingly flog a totally bogus story–that would be the collusion hoax—for 670 days and then act like it had acted properly. In fact, the media, virtually all of them, ran story after breathless story of bogus stories of collusion between the Trump campaign and Russia and none of them bothered to examine the provenance of the documents involved or talk about who was paying the bills.

The nation owes Donald Trump an immense debt of gratitude for revealing the Washington media game for the incestuous Democrat plantation that it is. At least now we can see them in their natural element. They aren’t glitzy and glamorous. They are pathetic, petty, and irrelevant little people who are living sorry, worthless piss-ant lives trying to tear down people who are much better than they will ever aspire to be.

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Where We’re Headed: Mother & Father Tie Their Newborn in Garbage Bag, Leave Him in the Trunk for Dead

Westlake Legal Group where-were-headed-mother-father-tie-their-newborn-in-garbage-bag-leave-him-in-the-trunk-for-dead Where We’re Headed: Mother & Father Tie Their Newborn in Garbage Bag, Leave Him in the Trunk for Dead wood county Wisconsin Uncategorized Politics murder marylinn feher marshfield medical center law Kathy Tran Government Front Page Stories democrats Culture & Faith Culture crime child neglect Allow Media Exception allen rice Abortion

Westlake Legal Group baby-sleeping-SCREENSHOT Where We’re Headed: Mother & Father Tie Their Newborn in Garbage Bag, Leave Him in the Trunk for Dead wood county Wisconsin Uncategorized Politics murder marylinn feher marshfield medical center law Kathy Tran Government Front Page Stories democrats Culture & Faith Culture crime child neglect Allow Media Exception allen rice Abortion

 

 

We’re living in a broken world. With broken people. And evil.

In Wisconsin, a mom and dad were arrested after their child was discovered by Wood County deputies. The little boy was wrapped inside a tied plastic garbage bag in the back of his father’s car.

On Saturday, Wood County sheriffs were contacted by staff at Marshfield Medical Center. The reason: A possibly-missing newborn.

The infant was found in the trunk of an abandoned vehicle in the hospital parking lot.

Authorities believe the baby had been inside the trunk for three hours.

He was rushed to the ER and revived — sadly, only temporarily.

19-year old Allen Rice and 22-year-old Marylinn Feher were taken into custody on suspicion of child neglect for the baby’s death.

Who throws away a newborn baby like garbage?

Virginia Gov. Ralph Northam, apparently. Kathy Tran (here).

And, allegedly, Marylinn Feher and Allen Rice.

Marylinn had given birth to the boy at a residence earlier in the day.

He’d not been taken to the hospital, so it remains a mystery how medical staff knew to call the police.

This crime is a repulsive look into the face of evil — the brutalizing of the most innocent among us.

Yet, it isn’t an anomaly. It isn’t an outlier. Not within the scope of morality currently being touted by those we have elected (here, here, and here).

If we allow our culture to reach the ultimate point of no compassion, no empathy, no heart, we won’t have to worry about hell; we’ll already be living there.

-Alex

 

Relevant RedState links in this article: here, here, and here.

See 3 more pieces from me: Cher & you, doxxing the “Hitler Youth,” and breaking the spell of the Jews.

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The post Where We’re Headed: Mother & Father Tie Their Newborn in Garbage Bag, Leave Him in the Trunk for Dead appeared first on RedState.

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