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Westlake Legal Group > Posts tagged "Arizona"

Ben Roback: Trump and Biden’s prospects in key battleground states – and their approaches to lockdown

Ben Roback is Head of Trade and International Policy at Cicero Group.

The American response to Coronavirus continues to intrigue. The pattern has been that Republican state governors, who are allies of Donald Trump, are keen to display their “Make America Great Again” credentials ahead of an election, and a likely reshuffle of the president’s top team, should he win in November.

More broadly, governors and states have led the imposing and subsequent relaxing of restrictions. Some, such as Andrew Cuomo, the Democratic Governor of New York, have thrived under the spotlight. His approval rating has hit a record high of 77 per cent. More than half of US states are set to be partially reopened by the end of this week.

But trust in state governments is broadly trending down, according to research by Ipsos, driven most fervently by residents of states leading the charge to re-open. Over the last two weeks, 50 per cent of residents of Texas, Georgia, and Florida report trusting the state government. This is down from 67 per cent in late March.

Unsurprisingly, trust in Trump’s federal government falls clearly along party lines. Republicans are more likely to trust it (66 per cent), and are less likely to think that returning to their pre-coronavirus lives is a major risk (58 per cent).

Democrats widely distrust the federal government (28 per cent), trust Governors (71 per cent), and believe returning to normal right now is a big risk (84 per cent). Could these figures translate directly into the November election?

The 2020 knock-on effect

The Coronavirus response will inevitably become one of the dividing issues between Trump and Joe Biden in November, not least because 30 million more Americans now rely on government support for their daily existence than before the global pandemic gripped the country.

Not every state is competitive, of course. Some will vote for Trump or Biden regardless of what they do between now and November. As the President famously said in the midst of the 2016 election campaign: “I could stand in the middle of Fifth Avenue and shoot somebody, and I wouldn’t lose any voters”. With a 93 per cent approval rating amongst Republicans – a figure that has steadily increased since January with Gallup – he is probably right.

Four states provide an intriguing look at how the 2020 election could be shaped by current events (latest polling by Real Clear Politics).

Michigan

Latest polling: Trump (41 per cent), Biden 47 per cent (+5.5)

Michigan has in many ways become the centre of the pro-Trump, anti-lockdown resistance. Yesterday, armed protestors entered the state Capitol building demonstrating against the ongoing stay-at-home order issued by Gretchen Whitmer, the state’s Democratic Governor.

Michigan’s House of Representatives has since decided against extending the emergency declaration. Whilst her response to coronavirus has courted controversy, Whitmer’s approval rating easily exceeds that of the President. Just 36 per cent of Michigan respondents polled said they approve of the president’s handling of the crisis, compared to 63% approval for Whitmer.

In 2016, Trump won the state by less than 11,000 votes out of more than 4.5 million votes cast. Both Trump and Biden will focus on their blue-collar credential in a state that remains the beating heart of America’s auto industry.

Arizona

Latest polling: Trump 44.2 per cent, Biden 48.6 per cent (+4.4)

Proof that Arizona will be on a knife-edge in November is that the President visited Phoenix yesterday. Stepping off Air Force One, Trump was en route to a mask-making factory.

Except for Bill Clinton’s win in 1996, Arizona has voted Republican since 1952. In 2016, Trump beat Clinton there by 3.6 points, but the home state of the late John McCain has continued to undergo major demographic changes, with a growing and energised Latino population.

The most pressing threat to the President’s prospects is the risk of defections amongst female voters in the suburbs of Phoenix. Presently, Doug Ducey, the state’s Republican Governor, has imposed an ongoing state-wide stay-at-home order, and people can only leave their homes for essential trips.

It is due to expire on 15 May, by which time barbers, restaurants and coffee shops will be open for business. Ducey is struggling with a 52 per cent approval rating, well below the 72 per cent average for governors nationwide. The challenge for Biden is clear, but with a narrow polling lead the state is undoubtedly in play come November.

Florida

Latest polling: Trump 43.3 per cent, Biden 46.5 per cent (+3.2)

In many ways the ultimate battleground state, Florida has voted with the winner since 1964 in every presidential race other than in 1992.

Trump took Florida by just 1.2 per cent in 2016, and retaining the state will be a critical step on the President’s path to re-election. The strong Latino presence in such cities as Miami are counterbalanced by Florida being home to America’s conservative wealthy retirees.

Ron DeSantis, the state’s Republican Governor, has resisted a state-wide curfew, but residents have to stay indoors unless they are undertaking essential activities. At the southern tip of the country, it is not surprising that fishing is deemed to be one of these.

Biden leads in the state that has become the President’s official personal base, where it is home to his ‘Winter White House’ resort. It is by no means insurmountable, and so expect the president to spend much more time there when an easing of restrictions allows for a resumption of campaign rallies.

Pennsylvania

Latest polling: Trump 41.8 per cent, Biden 48.3 per cent (+6.5)

Donald Trump won the state by 48 per cent to 48 per cent in 2016, and the state looks to hang delicately in the balance this time around.

Pennsylvania has leant Democrat in presidential elections but, in 2016, an appeal to the working class communities in the state’s Rust Belt represented a breaking of the ‘blue wall’, in much the same way that CCHQ demolished Labour’s ‘red wall’ in 2019.

Presidential candidates traditionally carry their home states, and Joe Biden’s advantage for 2020 is that he was born in blue-collar Scranton. The Democratic Governor, Tom Wolf, relaxed coronavirus restrictions at the start of the month, and now outdoor activities are permitted. Biden will need to work hard to maintain his lead in the state, but winning it come November would represent a major step closer to the White House.

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With Campaigns in Remote Mode, Pandemic Upends Battle for Congress

Westlake Legal Group 05dc-virus-campaign1-facebookJumbo With Campaigns in Remote Mode, Pandemic Upends Battle for Congress United States Politics and Government Social Media Senate Republican Party Politics and Government North Carolina Montana House of Representatives Hickenlooper, John W Gardner, Cory S Elections, Senate Elections, House of Representatives Democratic Party Daines, Steve Coronavirus (2019-nCoV) Colorado Bullock, Steve Arizona

WASHINGTON — As John Hickenlooper, the former Colorado governor and current Democratic candidate for Senate, began another campaign event via Facebook Live last week, he stated the obvious to his virtual audience.

“The nature of campaigns has changed,” Mr. Hickenlooper said as he beamed his message out to the political world from his family room in a joint appearance with Kathleen Sebelius, the former Obama administration health and human services secretary who was back home in Kansas, to talk about coping with the novel coronavirus. “These times really are different, and we are going to be doing things differently on this campaign.”

Mr. Hickenlooper, who is hoping to oust Senator Cory Gardner, a Republican, is not the only one adjusting to a radically changed campaign reality. The sudden onslaught of coronavirus has upended the nation’s congressional races as many were just getting started, altering the political landscape in unpredictable ways and forcing candidates in the battle for the Senate and House to adapt to unique circumstances.

Campaign officials and strategists are trying to carefully game out the new reality. The crisis could prove to be a boost for incumbents who have a built-in advantage in providing services to constituents at a time when voters are on edge and in need. But it is also shining a potentially unflattering spotlight on Washington’s response to the pandemic, which could hurt lawmakers who were already facing an uphill climb to re-election.

While awaiting new polling and other information, it is difficult to gauge who stands to gain.

“There are multiple logical scenarios, but it’s too early to know,” said Nathan L. Gonzales, editor of the nonpartisan newsletter Inside Elections. “The response is just getting started and there won’t be enough race-specific data to make a sweeping conclusion for at least a few weeks.”

What is certain is that the Rotary Club lunches, community gatherings, door-knocking and fund-raising receptions that are ordinarily the lifeblood of congressional races are gone for now. They are being replaced with tele-town halls focused on how to contend with the pandemic, virtual fund-raising get-togethers and appeals to contribute not to campaigns, but to nonprofit community groups as incumbents and challengers try to stay relevant in a grim news cycle dominated by a single topic over which they have no control.

In one example, Senator Thom Tillis, a first-term Republican facing a difficult re-election fight this fall in North Carolina, has been holding daily conference calls for constituents to dial in with questions about the pandemic. They are a chance for Mr. Tillis, who polls show to be deeply unpopular in his state, to present himself more as a social worker tending to voters’ needs than as a politician clinging to his seat in a close race.


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In Arizona, Senator Martha McSally, another embattled Republican, announced she would devote 15 days to raising money for the Salvation Army, not her political organization. Theresa Greenfield, a Democratic challenger in Iowa hoping to replace Senator Joni Ernst, a Republican, has been urging Iowans to donate to food banks.

Applying his unique background to the situation, Mark Kelly, a Democrat and former astronaut trying to oust Ms. McSally, has been offering tips on how to cope with isolation during long days spent at home based on his time in space.

Gov. Steve Bullock of Montana, who decided to run for Senate only in March after saying for months that he was not interested in the job, is at the center of his state’s response to the pandemic. As the only sitting governor running for the Senate this year, Mr. Bullock, who hopes to defeat incumbent Senator Steve Daines, a Republican, has the potential advantage of being in the spotlight as Montanans confront the outbreak, sparing him the typical struggle challengers face in trying to grab attention from a well-known incumbent.

Audio leaked out last week of a conference call between the nation’s governors and President Trump in which Mr. Bullock challenged the president on lack of testing supplies. And Mr. Bullock is appearing regularly on television to speak out about the situation in his state. Republicans concede he could gain from his high-profile leadership role, but warn it could also hurt him if the state response is deemed wanting or bungled.

For now, the situation has given Mr. Bullock a chance to portray himself as above the partisan fray, as his advisers insist he is not thinking in terms of the political ins and outs.

“There will be a time for a campaign, and he looks forward to it,” said Matt McKenna, the governor’s political adviser. “But right now he is focused on fighting this pandemic, keeping Montanans safe and getting front line workers the resources they need.

House contenders have also sought to emphasize their constituent work. Representative Harley Rouda, Democrat of California, rerouted campaign volunteers away from their usual calls, directing them to contact older adults for wellness checks instead. Representative Colin Allred, Democrat of Texas, has used his email list to send out fund-raising links to local food banks.

The National Republican Congressional Committee, normally a bastion for Trumpian name-calling and hard-edge partisan attacks, used its Twitter account on Friday to circulate a link to guidance for small businesses on how to obtain newly available loans through the just-enacted economic stimulus law. In a memo, the committee, the campaign arm of House Republicans, also urged candidates to watch their tone in messages to voters.

“At times like this, you need to ask yourself if your press release or snarky comment are in poor taste,” the memo said.

Some incumbents have already experienced the risks of being tied closely to the government’s response to the pandemic. During one tele-town hall, Mr. Tillis, who is facing a challenge from Cal Cunningham, a former Democratic state legislator, came under criticism from a constituent who said the economic relief measures enacted in Washington in recent weeks — including $1,200 direct payments to taxpayers — were not enough. While most of those who spoke sounded unconcerned with politics and more interested in learning how to collect unemployment benefits and other aid, a woman named Sarah lashed out at Mr. Tillis for what she argued were overly restrictive stay-at-home policies that she said were harming the economy and costing working families jobs. The nation’s elected leaders, she said, ought to be making hard decisions to minimize the impact of the coronavirus while keeping the country at work.

“Your one-time check to my family isn’t going to help us recover from what we are suffering right now,” said the woman, who declined to share her last name. “I just find this extended lockdown to be outrageous.”

Mr. Tillis offered a meandering answer, but stood firm in defense of the current social distancing program.

“If we send everyone back to work, I guarantee you the peak will be greater, the number of hospital beds will be fewer and people will die,” he said. “What we are trying to do is minimize that, flatten the curve and get back to work.”

The crisis has provided several Republican senators in highly competitive races the opportunity to emphasize their role in both fashioning the $2 trillion stimulus package and in helping secure needed medical supplies for their states. Mr. Gardner, who is trying to hold off Mr. Hickenlooper, said he used connections he made through his work on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to help secure 100,000 masks for Colorado out of one million that Taiwan donated to the states.

Republican campaign officials said they were urging senators to focus on the crisis, rather than shift into campaign mode.

“The only guidance we have is be a senator,” said Kevin McLaughlin, executive director of the National Republican Senatorial Committee. “Stay in touch with people, be a point of reference, just go do your job.”

The Senate website of Mr. Daines, who had hoped to escape a contest with Mr. Bullock, reflects that approach. It features a compilation of favorable video clips from Montana news outlets about Mr. Daines’s role in the coronavirus aid legislation — including a White House shout out from Vice President Mike Pence — under the headline “Sen. Daines is fighting for Montana on Covid-19 ” Also prominent were releases about benefits he had pushed, including a timeline of his role.

Some analysts said they were skeptical that Senate incumbents would receive a bounce from the legislative package. Mr. Gonzales suggested that even in this extraordinary environment, the battle for control of the Senate would come down to the public perception of Mr. Trump.

“In the end, I expect voters to fall back to their partisan corners and the most competitive Senate races will be significantly impacted by the president’s standing,” he said.

Democrats are counting on that as well, pointing to public unhappiness with the president’s response.

“In this evolving crisis, people want reliable information and steady leadership,” said Lauren Passalacqua, a spokeswoman for the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee. “Democrats are focused on solutions to address the spread of coronavirus and mitigate its impact on their states, sharing resources, hosting virtual town halls with experts and working to support their communities.” One thing both sides agree on is that even given the stakes in the fight for congressional control, campaigning is hardly uppermost in anyone’s mind at the moment.

“We have to deal with this,” Mr. McLaughlin, the head of the Senate Republican campaign group, said of the pandemic. “If we don’t fix this, it just doesn’t matter.”

Nicholas Fandos and Catie Edmondson contributed reporting.

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

‘Nothing Less Than a Civil War’: These White Voters on the Far Right See Doom Without Trump

Deeply conservative, they organize online and outside the Republican Party apparatus, engaging in more explicit versions of the chest-beating seen at the president’s rallies.

ImageWestlake Legal Group merlin_163592046_358f7c85-55f7-4a43-b1e4-f8a0fa98a0c4-articleLarge ‘Nothing Less Than a Civil War’: These White Voters on the Far Right See Doom Without Trump Trump, Donald J Republican Party Presidential Election of 2020 Politics and Government Patriot Movement Conservatism (US Politics) Arizona

Eddie Rohwer was one of the vendors selling merchandise at Trumpstock, a three-day festival held this fall in northwest Arizona.Credit…Bethany Mollenkof for The New York Times

Westlake Legal Group author-head-astead-thumbLarge-v2 ‘Nothing Less Than a Civil War’: These White Voters on the Far Right See Doom Without Trump Trump, Donald J Republican Party Presidential Election of 2020 Politics and Government Patriot Movement Conservatism (US Politics) Arizona

Dec. 28, 2019

GOLDEN VALLEY, Ariz. — Great American Pizza & Subs, on a highway about 100 miles southeast of Las Vegas, was busier and Trumpier than usual. On any given day it serves “M.A.G.A. Subs” and “Liberty Bell Lasagna.” The “Second Amendment” pizza comes “loaded” with pepperoni and sausage. The dining room is covered in regalia praising President Trump.

But this October morning was “Trumpstock,” a small festival celebrating the president. The speakers included the local Republican congressman, Paul Gosar, and lesser-known conservative personalities. There was a fringe 2020 Senate candidate in Arizona who ran a website that published sexually explicit photos of women without their consent; a pro-Trump rapper whose lyrics include a racist slur aimed at Barack Obama; and a North Carolina activist who once said of Muslims, “I will kill every one of them before they get to me.”

All were welcome, except liberals.

“They label us white nationalists, or white supremacists,” volunteered Guy Taiho Decker, who drove from California to attend the event. A right-wing protester, he has previously been arrested on charges of making terrorist threats.

“There’s no such thing as a white supremacist, just like there’s no such thing as a unicorn,” Mr. Decker said. “We’re patriots.”

As Mr. Trump’s bid for re-election shifts into higher gear, his campaign hopes to recapture voters who drifted away from the party in 2018 and 2019: independents who embraced moderate Democratic candidates, suburban women tired of Mr. Trump’s personal conduct and working-class voters who haven’t benefited from his economic policies.

But if any group remains singularly loyal to Mr. Trump, it is the small but impassioned number of white voters on the far right, often in rural communities like Golden Valley, who extol him as a cultural champion reclaiming the country from undeserving outsiders.

These voters don’t passively tolerate Mr. Trump’s “build a wall” message or his ban on travel from predominantly Muslim countries — they’re what motivates them. They see themselves in his fear-based identity politics, bolstered by conspiratorial rhetoric about caravans of immigrants and Democratic “coups.”

The president draws support from a broader political and ideological cross-section of Republicans than the Trumpstock crowd reflected, and he attracts some independents and Democrats as well. The festival itself was relatively small, drawing about 100 people, though significant enough to attract the likes of Mr. Gosar.

But events like it, as well as speaking engagements featuring far-right supporters of the president, have become part of the political landscape during the Trump era. Islamophobic taunts can be heard at his rallies. Hate speech and conspiracy theories are staples of some far-right websites. If Trumpstock was modest in size, it stood out as a sign of extremist public support for a sitting president.

And these supporters have electoral muscle in key areas: Mr. Trump outperformed Mitt Romney, the 2012 Republican nominee, in rural parts of Arizona like Mohave County, where Golden Valley is located. Mr. Trump won 58,282 votes in the county, compared to 47,901 for Mr. Romney, though Mr. Romney carried the state by a much bigger vote margin.

Arizona will be a key battleground state in 2020: Democrats already flipped a Senate seat and a Tucson-based congressional district from red to blue in 2018. For Mr. Trump, big turnout from white voters in areas like Mohave County — and in rural parts of other battlegrounds like Florida, Michigan, Minnesota and Georgia — could be a lifeline in a tight election.

“We like to call this the ‘Red Wall of Arizona,’” said Laurence Schiff, a psychiatrist and Republican campaign official in Mohave County who organizes in support of Mr. Trump’s campaign. “Winning the state starts here, with us.”

Grass-roots gatherings play a critical role in the modern culture of political organizing, firing up ardent supporters and cementing new ones. Small circles of Trump-supporting conservatives, often organized online and outside the traditional Republican Party apparatus, engage in more decentralized — and explicit — versions of the chest-beating that happens at Mr. Trump’s closely watched political rallies.

In interviews, people in the crowd described a white America under threat as racial minorities typified by Mr. Obama, the country’s first black president, gain political power. They described Mr. Trump as an inspirational figure who is undoing Mr. Obama’s legacy and beating back the perceived threat of Muslim and Latino immigrants, whom they denounced in prejudiced terms.

“I don’t have a problem with Muslims,” said Angus Smith, an Arizona resident who attended the festival, “but can they take the rag off their head out of respect for our country?”

At Mr. Trump’s official rallies, including a recent one in Florida, the president has referred to Mr. Obama by stressing his middle name, Hussein, and said Democrats were “trying to stop me because I’m fighting for you.”

The Trumpstock speakers pushed even further, tying Mr. Obama’s middle name to a false belief that he is a foreign-born Muslim.

And Democrats were portrayed as not just political opponents, but avatars of doom for Mr. Trump’s predominantly white voter base and for the country.

“There is no difference between the democratic socialists and the National Socialists,” said Evan Sayet, a conservative writer who spoke at the event, referencing Nazi Germany. Democrats, he said, “are the heirs to Adolf Hitler.”

Speakers at Trumpstock said their cultural fears had been exacerbated by their state’s own changing nature: Arizona is on the front lines of undocumented border crossings from Mexico and racial minorities are expected to outnumber white people in the state in the next decade.

Arizona Democrats made political gains in 2018, and the national party is riding high after it won governor’s races this year in Kentucky and Louisiana. But Republicans remain bullish. They argue that a slice of their electoral base will only vote when the president is on the ballot, and point to regions like Northern Arizona as places to find, as Mr. Trump wrote in a recent tweet, “the Angry Majority.”

“We have the greatest base in the history of politics,” he said at a recent rally in Florida.

In Arizona, the most prominent pro-Trump, anti-immigrant groups are AZ Patriots and Patriot Movement AZ, which have held tight to the themes of white nationalism that some Republicans have denounced. In September, after repeated clashes, some members of the groups agreed to a court order to stop harassing migrants and church volunteers who help them.

Earlier this year, the groups and their allies organized a “Patriotism over Socialism” event in Gilbert, Ariz., near Phoenix, that included speeches from Representative Andy Biggs, the area’s congressman, and Kelli Ward, the state’s Republican Party chair. They appeared alongside more fringe figures: Sharon Slater of Family Watch International, which has promoted figures associated with anti-L.G.B.T. conversion therapy, and Laura Loomer, the far-right activist and Arizona native who was banned by Twitter and some other platforms after making anti-Muslim comments.

This blend of insider and outsider, of mainstream and conspiracy, is a feature of how Mr. Trump has reshaped the Republican Party in his image, and the core of his presidential origin story. Before Mr. Trump announced any firm plans to seek office, he was the national face of the “birther” conspiracy, which thrived in the Tea Party movement and had a significant amount of support from the Republican base, polls showed.

Stacey Goodman, a former police officer from New York who retired to Arizona and attended Trumpstock, said her distrust of Mr. Obama’s birth certificate had led her to Mr. Trump.

“If you’re Muslim, just tell us you’re Muslim,” she said of Mr. Obama. “It’s not that I didn’t believe him, I’m just not qualified to answer that question. I’ve seen information on both sides that’s compelling.”

Mona Fishman, a singer from the Las Vegas area who performed at the event, has written Trump-themed songs with titles like “Fake News” and “Smells like Soros,” which accuses liberal megadonor George Soros of running a shadow government, a trope widely condemned as anti-Semitic.

In the White House, Mr. Trump has relied on similar unfounded conspiracy theories and promoted people who have perpetuated them. He pardoned Joseph M. Arpaio, the former sheriff of Maricopa County, a hero of Arizona’s right wing and a leader of the “birther” movement, who was convicted of criminal contempt related to his aggressive efforts to detain undocumented immigrants.

On Mr. Trump’s Twitter account, likely the most watched in the world, he has promoted white nationalists, anti-Muslim bigots, and believers in the QAnon conspiracy theory, which claims that top Democrats are worshiping the Devil and engaging in child sex trafficking.

Even mainstream conservative media figures have embraced QAnon as a way to dismiss Mr. Trump’s political enemies. The Fox News host Jesse Watters, during a recent segment dedicated to the conspiracy, linked it to Mr. Trump’s Washington enemies. “Isn’t it also about the Trump fight with the deep state in terms of the illegal surveillance of the campaign, the inside hit jobs that he’s sustained?” he asked.

The embrace of conspiracy theories has frustrated some establishment Republicans and moderate Republican voters, who urge Mr. Trump to embrace a more traditional communication style.

His base disagrees.

“Please never stop tweeting,” Ms. Fishman sings in one of her songs, titled “Thank You President Trump.” “I can hardly wait to see what I’ll be reading.”

Events like Trumpstock are not limited to Arizona. Its organizer, Laurie Bezick, recruited speakers from around the country through social media, tapping into a network of pro-Trump voices only a click away.

Long-shot congressional candidates touting an “America First” agenda came from places like Iowa and Maryland. Leaders of fledgling political groups with names like JEXIT: Jews Exit The Democratic Party, Latinos for Trump and Deplorable Pride, right-wing L.G.B.T. organization, told the overwhelmingly white audience they were not anti-Semitic, anti-immigrant, homophobic or racist. In fact, the speakers insisted, people who used those terms were more guilty of bigotry than the people they accused.

To applause, the co-founder of Latinos for Trump, Marco Gutierrez, read the pledge he took when he became a naturalized citizen and renounced his Mexican homeland. Nitemare, a pro-Trump rapper who refused to give his legal name, invoked QAnon and called Mr. Obama a racist slur in his set.

Brian Talbert, the founder of Deplorable Pride, was contacted by the White House after he was barred from the L.G.B.T. pride parade in Charlotte, N.C. At Trumpstock, Mr. Talbert, who has a history of expressing anti-Muslim beliefs on social media, gave voice to hatred of Mr. Obama and Hillary Clinton, the former secretary of state and Mr. Trump’s 2016 opponent.

“I think she should be hanging at the end of a rope for treason,” he said of Mrs. Clinton.

Members of groups like these at once make up a critical portion of Arizona’s conservative base, and espouse derogatory rhetoric that must repeatedly be repudiated, creating political difficulties for the state’s Republican lawmakers. After a photograph emerged last April of members of Patriot Movement AZ posing with Gov. Doug Ducey, he said he had never heard of the group. “I absolutely denounce their behavior,” he added.

Trumpstock attendees say they are used to being denounced, another quality they feel they share with the president. It’s part of why they are protective of him, to the point that they refuse to acknowledge the possibility of a Trump loss in 2020.

Mark Villalta said he had been stockpiling firearms, in case Mr. Trump’s re-election is not successful.

“Nothing less than a civil war would happen,” Mr. Villalta said, his right hand reaching for a holstered handgun. “I don’t believe in violence, but I’ll do what I got to do.”

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

‘Nothing Less Than a Civil War’: These White Voters on the Far Right See Doom Without Trump

Deeply conservative, they organize online and outside the Republican Party apparatus, engaging in more explicit versions of the chest-beating seen at the president’s rallies.

ImageWestlake Legal Group merlin_163592046_358f7c85-55f7-4a43-b1e4-f8a0fa98a0c4-articleLarge ‘Nothing Less Than a Civil War’: These White Voters on the Far Right See Doom Without Trump Trump, Donald J Republican Party Presidential Election of 2020 Politics and Government Patriot Movement Conservatism (US Politics) Arizona

Eddie Rohwer was one of the vendors selling merchandise at Trumpstock, a three-day festival held this fall in northwest Arizona.Credit…Bethany Mollenkof for The New York Times

Westlake Legal Group author-head-astead-thumbLarge-v2 ‘Nothing Less Than a Civil War’: These White Voters on the Far Right See Doom Without Trump Trump, Donald J Republican Party Presidential Election of 2020 Politics and Government Patriot Movement Conservatism (US Politics) Arizona

Dec. 28, 2019

GOLDEN VALLEY, Ariz. — Great American Pizza & Subs, on a highway about 100 miles southeast of Las Vegas, was busier and Trumpier than usual. On any given day it serves “M.A.G.A. Subs” and “Liberty Bell Lasagna.” The “Second Amendment” pizza comes “loaded” with pepperoni and sausage. The dining room is covered in regalia praising President Trump.

But this October morning was “Trumpstock,” a small festival celebrating the president. The speakers included the local Republican congressman, Paul Gosar, and lesser-known conservative personalities. There was a fringe 2020 Senate candidate in Arizona who ran a website that published sexually explicit photos of women without their consent; a pro-Trump rapper whose lyrics include a racist slur aimed at Barack Obama; and a North Carolina activist who once said of Muslims, “I will kill every one of them before they get to me.”

All were welcome, except liberals.

“They label us white nationalists, or white supremacists,” volunteered Guy Taiho Decker, who drove from California to attend the event. A right-wing protester, he has previously been arrested on charges of making terrorist threats.

“There’s no such thing as a white supremacist, just like there’s no such thing as a unicorn,” Mr. Decker said. “We’re patriots.”

As Mr. Trump’s bid for re-election shifts into higher gear, his campaign hopes to recapture voters who drifted away from the party in 2018 and 2019: independents who embraced moderate Democratic candidates, suburban women tired of Mr. Trump’s personal conduct and working-class voters who haven’t benefited from his economic policies.

But if any group remains singularly loyal to Mr. Trump, it is the small but impassioned number of white voters on the far right, often in rural communities like Golden Valley, who extol him as a cultural champion reclaiming the country from undeserving outsiders.

These voters don’t passively tolerate Mr. Trump’s “build a wall” message or his ban on travel from predominantly Muslim countries — they’re what motivates them. They see themselves in his fear-based identity politics, bolstered by conspiratorial rhetoric about caravans of immigrants and Democratic “coups.”

The president draws support from a broader political and ideological cross-section of Republicans than the Trumpstock crowd reflected, and he attracts some independents and Democrats as well. The festival itself was relatively small, drawing about 100 people, though significant enough to attract the likes of Mr. Gosar.

But events like it, as well as speaking engagements featuring far-right supporters of the president, have become part of the political landscape during the Trump era. Islamophobic taunts can be heard at his rallies. Hate speech and conspiracy theories are staples of some far-right websites. If Trumpstock was modest in size, it stood out as a sign of extremist public support for a sitting president.

And these supporters have electoral muscle in key areas: Mr. Trump outperformed Mitt Romney, the 2012 Republican nominee, in rural parts of Arizona like Mohave County, where Golden Valley is located. Mr. Trump won 58,282 votes in the county, compared to 47,901 for Mr. Romney, though Mr. Romney carried the state by a much bigger vote margin.

Arizona will be a key battleground state in 2020: Democrats already flipped a Senate seat and a Tucson-based congressional district from red to blue in 2018. For Mr. Trump, big turnout from white voters in areas like Mohave County — and in rural parts of other battlegrounds like Florida, Michigan, Minnesota and Georgia — could be a lifeline in a tight election.

“We like to call this the ‘Red Wall of Arizona,’” said Laurence Schiff, a psychiatrist and Republican campaign official in Mohave County who organizes in support of Mr. Trump’s campaign. “Winning the state starts here, with us.”

Grass-roots gatherings play a critical role in the modern culture of political organizing, firing up ardent supporters and cementing new ones. Small circles of Trump-supporting conservatives, often organized online and outside the traditional Republican Party apparatus, engage in more decentralized — and explicit — versions of the chest-beating that happens at Mr. Trump’s closely watched political rallies.

In interviews, people in the crowd described a white America under threat as racial minorities typified by Mr. Obama, the country’s first black president, gain political power. They described Mr. Trump as an inspirational figure who is undoing Mr. Obama’s legacy and beating back the perceived threat of Muslim and Latino immigrants, whom they denounced in prejudiced terms.

“I don’t have a problem with Muslims,” said Angus Smith, an Arizona resident who attended the festival, “but can they take the rag off their head out of respect for our country?”

At Mr. Trump’s official rallies, including a recent one in Florida, the president has referred to Mr. Obama by stressing his middle name, Hussein, and said Democrats were “trying to stop me because I’m fighting for you.”

The Trumpstock speakers pushed even further, tying Mr. Obama’s middle name to a false belief that he is a foreign-born Muslim.

And Democrats were portrayed as not just political opponents, but avatars of doom for Mr. Trump’s predominantly white voter base and for the country.

“There is no difference between the democratic socialists and the National Socialists,” said Evan Sayet, a conservative writer who spoke at the event, referencing Nazi Germany. Democrats, he said, “are the heirs to Adolf Hitler.”

Speakers at Trumpstock said their cultural fears had been exacerbated by their state’s own changing nature: Arizona is on the front lines of undocumented border crossings from Mexico and racial minorities are expected to outnumber white people in the state in the next decade.

Arizona Democrats made political gains in 2018, and the national party is riding high after it won governor’s races this year in Kentucky and Louisiana. But Republicans remain bullish. They argue that a slice of their electoral base will only vote when the president is on the ballot, and point to regions like Northern Arizona as places to find, as Mr. Trump wrote in a recent tweet, “the Angry Majority.”

“We have the greatest base in the history of politics,” he said at a recent rally in Florida.

In Arizona, the most prominent pro-Trump, anti-immigrant groups are AZ Patriots and Patriot Movement AZ, which have held tight to the themes of white nationalism that some Republicans have denounced. In September, after repeated clashes, some members of the groups agreed to a court order to stop harassing migrants and church volunteers who help them.

Earlier this year, the groups and their allies organized a “Patriotism over Socialism” event in Gilbert, Ariz., near Phoenix, that included speeches from Representative Andy Biggs, the area’s congressman, and Kelli Ward, the state’s Republican Party chair. They appeared alongside more fringe figures: Sharon Slater of Family Watch International, which has promoted figures associated with anti-L.G.B.T. conversion therapy, and Laura Loomer, the far-right activist and Arizona native who was banned by Twitter and some other platforms after making anti-Muslim comments.

This blend of insider and outsider, of mainstream and conspiracy, is a feature of how Mr. Trump has reshaped the Republican Party in his image, and the core of his presidential origin story. Before Mr. Trump announced any firm plans to seek office, he was the national face of the “birther” conspiracy, which thrived in the Tea Party movement and had a significant amount of support from the Republican base, polls showed.

Stacey Goodman, a former police officer from New York who retired to Arizona and attended Trumpstock, said her distrust of Mr. Obama’s birth certificate had led her to Mr. Trump.

“If you’re Muslim, just tell us you’re Muslim,” she said of Mr. Obama. “It’s not that I didn’t believe him, I’m just not qualified to answer that question. I’ve seen information on both sides that’s compelling.”

Mona Fishman, a singer from the Las Vegas area who performed at the event, has written Trump-themed songs with titles like “Fake News” and “Smells like Soros,” which accuses liberal megadonor George Soros of running a shadow government, a trope widely condemned as anti-Semitic.

In the White House, Mr. Trump has relied on similar unfounded conspiracy theories and promoted people who have perpetuated them. He pardoned Joseph M. Arpaio, the former sheriff of Maricopa County, a hero of Arizona’s right wing and a leader of the “birther” movement, who was convicted of criminal contempt related to his aggressive efforts to detain undocumented immigrants.

On Mr. Trump’s Twitter account, likely the most watched in the world, he has promoted white nationalists, anti-Muslim bigots, and believers in the QAnon conspiracy theory, which claims that top Democrats are worshiping the Devil and engaging in child sex trafficking.

Even mainstream conservative media figures have embraced QAnon as a way to dismiss Mr. Trump’s political enemies. The Fox News host Jesse Watters, during a recent segment dedicated to the conspiracy, linked it to Mr. Trump’s Washington enemies. “Isn’t it also about the Trump fight with the deep state in terms of the illegal surveillance of the campaign, the inside hit jobs that he’s sustained?” he asked.

The embrace of conspiracy theories has frustrated some establishment Republicans and moderate Republican voters, who urge Mr. Trump to embrace a more traditional communication style.

His base disagrees.

“Please never stop tweeting,” Ms. Fishman sings in one of her songs, titled “Thank You President Trump.” “I can hardly wait to see what I’ll be reading.”

Events like Trumpstock are not limited to Arizona. Its organizer, Laurie Bezick, recruited speakers from around the country through social media, tapping into a network of pro-Trump voices only a click away.

Long-shot congressional candidates touting an “America First” agenda came from places like Iowa and Maryland. Leaders of fledgling political groups with names like JEXIT: Jews Exit The Democratic Party, Latinos for Trump and Deplorable Pride, right-wing L.G.B.T. organization, told the overwhelmingly white audience they were not anti-Semitic, anti-immigrant, homophobic or racist. In fact, the speakers insisted, people who used those terms were more guilty of bigotry than the people they accused.

To applause, the co-founder of Latinos for Trump, Marco Gutierrez, read the pledge he took when he became a naturalized citizen and renounced his Mexican homeland. Nitemare, a pro-Trump rapper who refused to give his legal name, invoked QAnon and called Mr. Obama a racist slur in his set.

Brian Talbert, the founder of Deplorable Pride, was contacted by the White House after he was barred from the L.G.B.T. pride parade in Charlotte, N.C. At Trumpstock, Mr. Talbert, who has a history of expressing anti-Muslim beliefs on social media, gave voice to hatred of Mr. Obama and Hillary Clinton, the former secretary of state and Mr. Trump’s 2016 opponent.

“I think she should be hanging at the end of a rope for treason,” he said of Mrs. Clinton.

Members of groups like these at once make up a critical portion of Arizona’s conservative base, and espouse derogatory rhetoric that must repeatedly be repudiated, creating political difficulties for the state’s Republican lawmakers. After a photograph emerged last April of members of Patriot Movement AZ posing with Gov. Doug Ducey, he said he had never heard of the group. “I absolutely denounce their behavior,” he added.

Trumpstock attendees say they are used to being denounced, another quality they feel they share with the president. It’s part of why they are protective of him, to the point that they refuse to acknowledge the possibility of a Trump loss in 2020.

Mark Villalta said he had been stockpiling firearms, in case Mr. Trump’s re-election is not successful.

“Nothing less than a civil war would happen,” Mr. Villalta said, his right hand reaching for a holstered handgun. “I don’t believe in violence, but I’ll do what I got to do.”

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Absolute Miracle: At the Last Second, a Couple and Their Baby are Saved from a Drunk Driver by an Angel in a Chevrolet

Westlake Legal Group phoenix-intersection-couple-angel-drunk-driver-edited-SCREENSHOT-620x342 Absolute Miracle: At the Last Second, a Couple and Their Baby are Saved from a Drunk Driver by an Angel in a Chevrolet Uncategorized traffic accident religion PHOENIX miracle law Front Page Stories Featured Story Family ernesto oveso DUI drunk driving crime baby Arizona Allow Media Exception

[Screenshot from Phoenix Police Department via Twitter, https://twitter.com/phoenixpolice/status/1187096824491806721?]

 

In Arizona Wednesday, October 14th, the lives of a couple and their baby were astonishingly saved by an angel in a Chevrolet.

Were it not for her, they would likely have been violently killed by a drunk driver.

While the pair was pushing a stroller along the crosswalk of a 6-lane Phoenix highway, intoxicated 23-year-old Ernesto Oveso — accompanied by a female passenger — came barreling through.

Speeding beneath the red light.

The racing Jeep was headed straight for the family.

Death seem imminent.

But something happened: a 27-year-old woman cut across the intersection in a Chevy Cruz.

At the exact moment Ernesto was to destroy a family of three.

The Jeep plowed into the Cruz instead of the baby and parents.

Tragedy, averted.

Incredible.

A miracle.

As reported by Fox10, Ernesto and his passenger attempted to flee the scene in their vehicle.

A witness chased after.

The woman eventually got away, but Ernesto was caught and arrested.

He was charged with a DUI and aggravated assault.

A gun was found inside the Jeep.

The driver in the car hit by Ernesto wasn’t harmed.

As I wrote Thursday, “We never know if today is a bridge to tomorrow or the end of yesterday’s road.”

We also never know when the hand of providence might reach down and snatch us from the jaws of death.

Such was the case for a couple and their baby.

Such may be the case for any of us, at any time.

May we all live lives worthy of that miracle.

-ALEX

 

See 3 more pieces from me:

Christmas Miracle: Dad Murders Baby, But There Was ‘Someone Watching Over’ Her

Miracle In China: 3-Year-Old Falls 60 Feet From A High Rise Balcony, But Neighbors Catch Him (Video)

Incredible: Man Saves His Children From A Carjacker, But The Shocking Ending Is Harrowing

Find all my RedState work here.

And please follow Alex Parker on Twitter and Facebook.

Thank you for reading! Please sound off in the Comments section below. 

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Video: Compare and Contrast the Media’s Treatment of Jan Brewer and Obama vs Treatment of Nancy Pelosi and Trump

Westlake Legal Group JanBrewerAPimage-620x317 Video: Compare and Contrast the Media’s Treatment of Jan Brewer and Obama vs Treatment of Nancy Pelosi and Trump white house washington D.C. Social Media republicans Politics North Carolina Nancy Pelosi Media journalism jan brewer Front Page Stories Front Page Feminism Featured Story Featured Post donald trump democrats Culture Congress California Barack Obama Arizona Allow Media Exception

Arizona Gov. Jan Brewer announces that she will not seek a third term and will retire at the end of her current term, Wednesday, March 12, 2014, in Glendale, Ariz. (AP Photo/Matt York)

Last week, I wrote about how former Gov. Jan Brewer (R-AZ) complained on social media about the rough treatment the mainstream media gave her after her famous “pointing at Obama” incident in 2012 in contrast to their fangirling over a similar image of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and President Trump, which was shared on Twitter by Trump on Wednesday.

To recap, after the President posted the picture and captioned it “Nervous Nancy’s unhinged meltdown!”, Pelosi’s staff countered by making the picture he tweeted the header image on her Twitter page:

The media swooned over the photo. As Newsbusters’ Nicholas Fondacaro noted at the time, MSNBC’s Andrea Mitchell and Lester Holt were among the many who were in awe of the supposed symbolism of the image.

CNN’s Dana Bash was another who couldn’t help but gush over the photo, and how Pelosi and her staff “owned” the moment where she “[stood up] … at a table of all men” against Trump.

Brewer weighed in on Twitter on Thursday, noting the backlash she received when she stood up to Obama versus how Pelosi was treated like a queen over her finger-pointing at Trump:

I included examples in my post which showed that Brewer was spot-on in her characterization of the media’s hypocrisy.

But seeing their duplicity in living color shines an even brighter, starker light on the two faced nature of the mainstream media when it comes to women in politics confronting men who are more powerful than them.

The Free Beacon did a must-watch video mashup last Friday that included numerous examples of how the MSM breathlessly reported on Pelosi “standing up to Trump” versus what they said about Brewer’s 2012 confrontation with President Obama.

There’s no question that liberal media bias exists. I’ve written about it for over 16 years, but even I was taken aback at just how blatant the double standards were in this case after I watched the video:

Wow. And the MSM still wonders why we don’t trust them to cover the issues fairly?

——-
— Based in North Carolina, Sister Toldjah is a former liberal and a 16+ year veteran of blogging with an emphasis on media bias, social issues, and the culture wars. Read her Red State archives here. Connect with her on Twitter. –

The post Video: Compare and Contrast the Media’s Treatment of Jan Brewer and Obama vs Treatment of Nancy Pelosi and Trump appeared first on RedState.

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Jan Brewer: Media Treated Me Much Differently than Pelosi When I Pointed a Finger at a President

Westlake Legal Group JanBrewerAPimage-620x317 Jan Brewer: Media Treated Me Much Differently than Pelosi When I Pointed a Finger at a President white house washington D.C. Social Media Politics North Carolina Nancy Pelosi Media journalism jan brewer Front Page Stories Front Page Featured Story Featured Post donald trump democrats Culture Congress CNN California Arizona Allow Media Exception

Arizona Gov. Jan Brewer announces that she will not seek a third term and will retire at the end of her current term, Wednesday, March 12, 2014, in Glendale, Ariz. (AP Photo/Matt York)

After House Speaker Nancy Pelosi told reporters on Wednesday that President Trump had had a “meltdown” in the middle of a bipartisan meeting on the Syria issue, Trump took to the Twitter machine in an effort to try and prove it was Pelosi and not him who had the meltdown.

Here’s what he tweeted:

Instead of backing down, Pelosi’s staff made the picture he tweeted the header image on her Twitter page:

The media have unquestionably been swooning over the photo ever since. As Newsbusters’ Nicholas Fondacaro notes, MSNBC’s Andrea Mitchell and Lester Holt were among the many who were in awe of the supposed symbolism of the image:

Anchor Lester Holt began by touting the image himself. “It was during a contentious White House meeting about the Syria conflict that House Speaker Nancy Pelosi stood up in front of President Trump. The photo instantly becoming a new and powerful symbol of their power struggle,” he said.

Mitchell, a well-documented fangirl of the Clintons, proclaimed the picture was “iconic” and boasted about how it was “released by the White House to diminish the Speaker, she immediately turned it into a badge of courage and her cover photo.”

CNN’s Dana Bash was another who was couldn’t help but gush over the photo, and how Pelosi and her staff “owned” the moment where she “[stood up] … at a table of all men” against Trump:

“Can we do just one more beat on that photo?” Bash asked as the image was onscreen. “Until now, what her staff owned, and what has made her kind of iconic among the Democratic base and even beyond that, is that picture walking out of the White House and putting her sunglasses on. I mean, this makes that look like, you know, not even at all symbolic.”

“I mean, look at that photo of one woman standing up and, you know, giving it to the president of the United States at a table of all men there. I mean, of course she’s going to own that.”

Former Arizona Gov. Jan Brewer, a Republican, had a much more different take, noting that when she was photographed pointing a finger at President Obama in 2012, she was treated much differently by the mainstream media:

She’s right. Many media outlets either took a questioning or hostile tone over the image, or showed complete indifference – unlike how the Pelosi picture has been treated.

NBC’s Brian Williams wondered “”Who have you ever seen talking to the President like this?”

NPR headline: Arizona Gov. Brewer Says She ‘Was Not Hostile’ In Meeting With Obama

“Finger-wagging Arizona governor says Obama was the disrespectful one”, wrote the Mercury News.

MSNBC had a poll up on their website that asked the question “Should Arizona Gov. Jan Brewer apologize for pointing her finger in President Obama’s face?”

The Root’s headline on their version of the story was: Arizona Gov Points Finger at Obama in Nasty Face-Off.

The media weren’t the only ones who frowned over Brewer’s actions:

Brewer took flak for her finger-pointing from both the media and the public, who accused her of disrespecting the presidency. More than 12,000 letters flooded her office in the ensuing days, most of which condemned her, calling her “trashy” and “tasteless.” Likening the act to belching at the president, a writer for the Washington Post scolded her, “If a thing is frowned upon in general, it’s even worse to do it to the president in particular.”

But I was told the media “don’t root for a side” or anything:

I am so confused.

——-
— Based in North Carolina, Sister Toldjah is a former liberal and a 16+ year veteran of blogging with an emphasis on media bias, social issues, and the culture wars. Read her Red State archives here. Connect with her on Twitter. –

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Martha McSally’s GOP primary challenger: What if we let parts of Mexico become U.S. states?

Westlake Legal Group m-2 Martha McSally’s GOP primary challenger: What if we let parts of Mexico become U.S. states? wegmann Trump The Blog rcp Mexico mcsally immigration Garret Lewis daniel mccarthy Arizona annexation annex

Via RCP, let me stress up front that this guy, Daniel McCarthy, isn’t some sort of Bill-Weld-style centrist running to the incumbent’s left in the primary. He’s full MAGA. He and the host, Garret Lewis, sneer at Paul Ryan and “Martha” for their repugnant RINO-ism. I’ll support Trump on the border in whatever he wants to do, McCarthy stresses, even standing for days on end on the Senate floor in a filibuster if it’ll help somehow. He’s all for the border wall too. America First.

…but once we get done with the wall, he adds at 41:00 or so of the clip below, maybe we should think about inviting Mexicans to seek annexation by the United States.

Yeah.

“There is a process to become states for the United States,” McCarthy said Tuesday morning on an Arizona radio station. “Clearly 30 million Mexican illegal immigrants want to be United States citizens, probably half the country wants to be United States citizens.”

And so, the aspiring lawmaker from a border state would like the citizens of Mexico to turn their attention to Article IV, Section 3, Clause 1 of the U.S. Constitution. It stipulates that “new states may be admitted by the Congress into this union.”

“I want to speak above the Mexican government. Okay? When you’re talking to the Mexican citizens, ‘Rise up in your communities and petition to become states for the United States.’ That’s how that process works,” he said, before adding that “by the way, it’s not that challenging.”…

“Listen, you think anybody wants to live like that?” the wannabe senator told the show’s host.

“He’s obviously joking,” you’re thinking. “He’s mocking the left’s attitude on immigration that we can and should absorb entire national populations with no unwelcome economic or cultural consequences.”

My dude, he is not joking.

The idea, I guess, is that annexation is a constitutional process and therefore allowing Mexicans to petition Congress for annexation would be a way to steer them towards *legal* immigration — of a sort. We dislike illegal immigration from Mexico, don’t we? We’re forever telling them to get in line, right?

Well, what if 10 million or so got in line all at once, all on the same immigration “application”?

Maybe the idea is that if we convert parts of Mexico into U.S. states then the locals won’t want to travel north anymore. They’ll already be Americans! They can stay put. But of course, that’s not why Mexicans cross the border. They do it chiefly for economic opportunity; so long as most of that opportunity continues to reside north of the Rio Grande, they’ll want to reside north of the Rio Grande too.

So … what is he thinking? Ask the average MAGA fan why he opposes amnesty for illegals and he’ll tell you that handing citizenship to millions of Mexicans would end up as a massive net electoral benefit to Democrats. Now here comes McCarthy with a bold new twist on that claim: Let’s just hand electoral votes to entire Mexican provinces by converting them into U.S. states. No need to worry about Texas gradually turning blue anymore. We can simply gift-wrap a few dozen EVs for the Dems via annexation and let newly-minted Americans from former Mexico offset Texas’s electoral power that way.

Oh, and as a cherry on top, McCarthy stresses that the border wall should be built before any discussions about “Mexit” take place.

Why the hell would you want to spend money walling off a border that won’t be a border anymore if annexation happens?

I need a drink. I’ll say this for the guy, though: There are all sorts of ideas that were anathema to the right just a few years ago that are now perfectly orthodox, mainly because Trump happens to back them. Look no further than the conundrum facing the country on how to handle Iran and its attack on Saudi Arabia. Five years ago, having the White House hold itself open to Tehran for talks after the regime bombed Saudi oil facilities would be seen by Republicans as one of the cuckiest displays of weakness in American history. Today, under the MAGA-in-chief, it’s seen as cool-headed diplomatic prudence at a dangerous moment. There’s probably some convoluted populist argument for why annexing Mexico is perfectly sensible too. And if there isn’t yet, there will be.

The post Martha McSally’s GOP primary challenger: What if we let parts of Mexico become U.S. states? appeared first on Hot Air.

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Arizona progressives want to censure Sen. Kyrsten Sinema for being too centrist

Westlake Legal Group Sinema Arizona progressives want to censure Sen. Kyrsten Sinema for being too centrist The Blog kyrsten sinema censure Arizona

Senator Kyrsten Sinema is in trouble with the progressives within her own party. The progressive caucus has submitted a resolution to be considered at a state Democratic committee meeting this Saturday. From ABC 15:

Sinema is specifically targeted in the resolution for her confirmation vote of President Donald Trump’s Attorney General nominee William Barr, in which she was one of only three Democratic senators to vote to confirm Barr. The Progressives are also upset with her decision not to co-sponsor the “Save the Internet Act,” a bill that would have repealed recent rules by the FCC that removed Obama era net neutrality protections…

Sinema is often seen as one of the most moderate members of the U.S. Senate. She is one of two Democrats in the Senate that have sided with Trump on more than 50% of votes held in the Senate. The other is Joe Manchin of West Virginia, a state Donald Trump won by over 40 points. Arizona, by contrast, went for Donald Trump by a margin of less than 4 points.

Sen. Sinema’s spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment from the Arizona Republic but a spokesman for Progressive Democrats of America said this was an attempt to force Sinema to the left:

Dan O’Neal, the state coordinator for Progressive Democrats of America, told The Arizona Republic the censure is intended to encourage Sinema to move back toward the left, where her political career began.

“Here’s the thing: We really support Kyrsten Sinema, we want her to succeed, we want her to be the best senator in the country,” O’Neal said. “But the way she is voting is really disappointing. We want Democrats to vote like Democrats and not Republicans. “

You can read the 1 1/2 page resolution here. It will go the resolutions committee this Saturday who will decide if it even makes it to the floor. So this might go nowhere or it could turn into a floor vote that progressives may still lose. However the resolution itself goes, we’ll have to wait and see if this results in Sinema becoming more progressive.

This ABC 15 clip argues that Sinema is turning out to be the left’s John McCain, i.e. someone whose moderate stance really irritates people in her own party.

The post Arizona progressives want to censure Sen. Kyrsten Sinema for being too centrist appeared first on Hot Air.

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Arizona progressives want to censure Sen. Kyrsten Sinema for being too centrist

Westlake Legal Group Sinema Arizona progressives want to censure Sen. Kyrsten Sinema for being too centrist The Blog kyrsten sinema censure Arizona

Senator Kyrsten Sinema is in trouble with the progressives within her own party. The progressive caucus has submitted a resolution to be considered at a state Democratic committee meeting this Saturday. From ABC 15:

Sinema is specifically targeted in the resolution for her confirmation vote of President Donald Trump’s Attorney General nominee William Barr, in which she was one of only three Democratic senators to vote to confirm Barr. The Progressives are also upset with her decision not to co-sponsor the “Save the Internet Act,” a bill that would have repealed recent rules by the FCC that removed Obama era net neutrality protections…

Sinema is often seen as one of the most moderate members of the U.S. Senate. She is one of two Democrats in the Senate that have sided with Trump on more than 50% of votes held in the Senate. The other is Joe Manchin of West Virginia, a state Donald Trump won by over 40 points. Arizona, by contrast, went for Donald Trump by a margin of less than 4 points.

Sen. Sinema’s spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment from the Arizona Republic but a spokesman for Progressive Democrats of America said this was an attempt to force Sinema to the left:

Dan O’Neal, the state coordinator for Progressive Democrats of America, told The Arizona Republic the censure is intended to encourage Sinema to move back toward the left, where her political career began.

“Here’s the thing: We really support Kyrsten Sinema, we want her to succeed, we want her to be the best senator in the country,” O’Neal said. “But the way she is voting is really disappointing. We want Democrats to vote like Democrats and not Republicans. “

You can read the 1 1/2 page resolution here. It will go the resolutions committee this Saturday who will decide if it even makes it to the floor. So this might go nowhere or it could turn into a floor vote that progressives may still lose. However the resolution itself goes, we’ll have to wait and see if this results in Sinema becoming more progressive.

This ABC 15 clip argues that Sinema is turning out to be the left’s John McCain, i.e. someone whose moderate stance really irritates people in her own party.

The post Arizona progressives want to censure Sen. Kyrsten Sinema for being too centrist appeared first on Hot Air.

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