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Westlake Legal Group > Posts tagged "General Election 2019"

David Callaghan: Whatever happened to the Liberal Democrats?

David Callaghan is a former Liberal Democrat councillor in the London Borough of Sutton and parliamentary candidate. He works as a freelance journalist for ConservativeHome.

When the Liberal Democrats joined the Coalition Government in 2010 they were back in the big time, with their first ministers in 65 years. Leader Nick Clegg became Deputy Prime Minister after his parliamentary colleagues and wider party overwhelmingly backed the coalition.

There was great excitement within the party, and I experienced this as a Lib Dem councillor and a parliamentary candidate in the general election, that the Tories had given far more ground than expected in the Coalition Agreement. Some Lib Dems could not believe that so many of the party’s manifesto policies made it into the agreement.

There were policies in the agreement on education such as the pupil premium, and on tax like an increase in the personal allowance, that enticed the Lib Dems into thinking ‘wow, we are actually going to put these policies into practice’.

Perhaps the most significant inclusion from the Lib Dems’ point of view was the promise of a referendum on electoral reform. The possibility of a system based on something other than first-past-the-post was the holy grail for Lib Dems, who were used to settling for a meagre number of MPs much lower than their share of the vote deserved.

One notable dissenter though to this historic new government was former leader Charles Kennedy, who saw some of the pitfalls and preferred ‘a confidence and supply’ deal to prop up a minority Conservative administration. Kennedy’s misgivings should have set alarm bells ringing in the party hierarchy and made the leadership think twice.

But at that point the party was being swept along by the hysteria created by the sweet scent of power, and the opportunity to see some policies implemented for the first time in living memory. Any talk of caution was quickly dismissed as party stalwarts, including influential former leader Paddy Ashdown, said the coalition was in the national interest and necessary.

This euphoria was to turn sour though within months as the blame for a trebling in tuition fees landed squarely on the heads of Lib Dem MPs who had signed a pledge not to increase them. Student protests were aimed at the government and more specifically the Lib Dems who were accused of ‘selling out’. Assurances from Deputy Leader Vince Cable that universities would not increase fees to the maximum of £9,000 per year proved to be based on wishful thinking.

There was also a backlash against the austerity measures, including cuts to welfare and local government, which was to prove damaging for the Lib Dems.

Clegg has admitted the party should have been more assertive in the early days of government, standing up to the Tories. He and his colleagues were stronger in their positioning later in the coalition, vetoing parliamentary boundary changes, for example, in retaliation to Conservative-led opposition against House of Lords reform.

The general election of 2015 was to be a catastrophic event for the party that it still hasn’t recovered from. It was slaughtered, losing most of its MPs, including Cable, as it was punished for five years of coalition and the tuition fees debacle. Clegg held onto his seat, but resigned as leader with his party on its knees.

Were the Lib Dem policies on education and tax big vote winners, and did the party get the credit anyway? The Conservatives made a point of claiming responsibility for the lightening of the tax burden, which was the one policy that might have a made a real difference at the polls.

The 2011 referendum on voting reform had proved to be a damp squib with a turnout of only 42%, and a decisive vote against change. The pro-reform campaign was characterised by splits and a lack of clarity over the benefits of any overhaul of the voting system. The referendum itself has largely been forgotten, as it is completely over-shadowed by the earthquake ballot on the EU.

By contrast to the plight of the Lib Dems, the Conservatives won a surprise majority in 2015 under David Cameron, and gleefully formed a new government without the need for a partner. The Tories have won subsequent polls in 2017, albeit without a majority, and then decisively last year. There does not appear to have been a political price for the Tories from austerity in the way it has hit the Lib Dems.

Most importantly, the Conservatives have got it right on Brexit since the referendum. Yes Theresa May’s agreement wasn’t approved by resistant MPs, but ultimately the party was rewarded for honouring the 2016 EU referendum result and promising to ‘Get Brexit Done’. Swathes of Labour voters switched to the Conservatives in December’s general election, and the Lib Dems faced another bad result, making no progress and losing their leader Jo Swinson.

A few months earlier the Lib Dems had voted to drop their policy of a second referendum and actually revoke Article 50, therefore reversing Brexit. Buoyed by a strong performance in May’s European elections, the party seemed to get carried away, especially as it attracted some high profile defections from other parties. In an attempt to gather all the Remain voters under its banner, it said it would win power and stop Brexit.

Brexit, like tuition fees, has proved to be a landmark in the party’s history. It achieved power in a coalition, but paid a very dear price, and is now reeling from another disaster of its own making.

Ten years on from the coalition launch, Sir Ed Davey is doing his best as interim leader to keep the party’s head above water, but it is struggling to be heard as the country grapples with the Coronavirus emergency. With only 11 MPs, the Lib Dems are a long way from the heady days of 2010 when they boasted 57 and were the government kingmakers.

There has been a series of strategic mistakes and a lack of understanding of what happened. The party got it badly wrong over tuition fees, and the MPs should take a large share of the blame for this after insisting the pledge of ‘no increase’ stay in the 2010 manifesto despite the misgivings of Clegg and Cable.

On Brexit, the party has misjudged the mood in many parts of the country, where even Remainers like myself, wanted the result of the referendum to be delivered.

A future direction for the Lib Dems is now unclear and they must learn from these mistakes over the last 10 years, which have left them on the sidelines, miles from power. They have been defeated on the big debate of the day with Brexit, after finding themselves on the losing side of the argument. Now perhaps they have to remodel as the party of ‘Return’ to the EU, but will this be tenable as the country moves firmly in the other direction? A series of false starts leave the party with an uncertain future.

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

Building the Blue Wall: North East Derbyshire

This week we are looking at the prospects for building a Blue Wall in those constituencies where the Red Wall was broken in the General Election last month. The way we are pursuing this is to consider some of the pioneers – the Conservative MPs who gained traditional Labour seats at the 2017 General Election. Of particular interest is whether Conservative support in their areas has been consolidated by gaining more local councillors. Yesterday we started with Walsall North, won by Eddie Hughes in 2017. Today it is the turn of North East Derbyshire, a seat gained by Lee Rowley on the same day.

Rowley’s majority in 2017 was 2,861. Last month it had increased to 12,876. This means that on a uniform swing it would be Labour’s 151st target seat for next time. In other words, unlikely to be a target at all, given that Labour needs to gain 124 seats for an overall majority of one. “Targeting” too many more than that number would risk the concept losing its meaning. This does create a problem of success for Rowley. Holding a marginal seat does make it easier to gain the attention of Ministers when special pleading is concerned. Or of CCHQ, when it comes to funding and other campaigning back up. Rowley will continue to have the mentality that he represents a marginal seat. That is prudent in these volatile times – even though the simple mathematics shows that his seat is now rather on the safe side.

Last year’s council election saw heavy Conservative losses in England overall. But in North East Derbyshire it was all smiling faces, whooping and cheers. The Conservatives gained control of the Council from Labour, picking up 13 seats. This was the first time the Conservatives have been in power there since the local authority was formed in 1973. The campaigning message was robust and unapologetic. “Killamarsh Conservatism”. Rowley wrote about it for us at the time:

“Enough of the split-the-difference, milquetoast, managerial mush which has bedevilled our national picture for too long.  A Conservatism which places hard work, aspiration and ambition at the centre of everything, which seeks to protect and enhance quality of life and properly values a sense of community.”

The Labour councillors had become complacent and out of touch. Many had been there for years and did not bother to campaign. They just collected their allowances with a sense of entitlement and agreed to whatever the officials wanted. This resulted in housing developments being pushed through without genuine consultation. Labour had failed to adjust to how politics has become more transactional, less deferential.

By contrast, the Conservatives were actively looking for opportunities to campaign – for instance in parish council by-elections which might have been ignored in the past. There would be a psychological, cultural change as Conservatives posters appeared in places that had never seen them before.

North East Derbyshire Conservative Association membership is up from 44 before the 2017 General Election to 250 now. Rowley holds village meetings. He would “top and tail” the letters asking people along while watching TV in the background. Despite these personalised invitations, the number that would turn up would be small. However, people appreciated being asked. Some of those who missed the meeting might still contact him with casework – which Rowley actively procures.

Social media is used a lot but there is discipline in sticking to local issues. Effort and money is spent on reaching constituents on Facebook (via which he reaches 3,500 of them) tracking and promoting messages so that they reach locals rather than those elsewhere.

I can see that having cheerful community news items provided by MPs makes sense. The decline in local newspapers leaves a gap. Politically combative messages might be regarded as offputting. The only problem is that it leaves Conservatives avoiding the broader ideological arguments. Socialist fallacies are left unchallenged. If Conservative MPs are constantly demanding increased public spending in their constituencies where does that broader Conservative message in favour of free enterprise, individual liberty, and lower taxation?

Winning the Council does present its own challenges. Can the Council engage with people in a way that would make new housing popular? What if the Council does something that Rowley disagrees with?

The next push will be the Police and Crime Commissioner elections. The Conservatives are hoping to gain this position from Labour. Angelique Foster, the Conservative candidate, is from North East Derbyshire.

The initial goodwill for the Conservatives has come about through Labour neglect. That has given the Conservatives an opportunity to prove themselves as vigorous local champions . Thus far they would seem to be doing so.

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

The Lib Dems are down, but not out

Naturally enough, it is the forthcoming Labour leadership election that has been grabbing the media’s attention. But the Lib Dems also find themselves with a vacancy to fill.

Last month’s General Election resulted in just 11 Lib Dem MPs being returned to the House of Commons. That was one down on the number elected in 2017. In the Euro Elections in May, the Lib Dems had beaten both Labour and the Conservatives. The local elections three weeks earlier saw them make net gains of over 700 councillors. In June there were opinion polls showing them on around 20 per cent – jockeying for the lead with the Conservative, Labour, and the Brexit Party. The Lib Dems were buoyed by defections and a by-election victory in Brecon and Radnorshire. With Labour being muddled over Brexit, the plan was for the Lib Dems to scoop up the Remain vote.

July saw them elect a new leader, Jo Swinson. In October she said she could become Prime Minister, declaring:

“This is a volatile time in politics. Nobody needs to look at received wisdom or what’s happened in the past.”

“Our polling shows that we are within a small swing of winning hundreds of seats, because the political landscape is so totally changed by what has happened in our country post-Brexit.”

Hubris. In the end she lost her own seat. She is too young to remember the speech of her predecessor, David Steel, in Llandudno in 1981:

“I have the good fortune to be the first Liberal Leader for over half a century who is able to say to you at the end of our annual Assembly: go back to your constituencies and prepare for government.”

Of course, it’s easy to sneer with the benefit of hindsight. There were plenty of independent pundits who expected the Lib Dems to do well in the election. In terms of seats, the Party also had some bad luck. Swinson lost East Dunbartonshire to a Scottish Nationalist by only 149 votes. Though the Lib Dems’ national vote share was modest at 11.5 per cent, it was a significant increase – 4.2 per cent – on last time, when they only scored 7.4 per cent. They did put on extra votes but in the wrong places. Ed Moisson on Lib Dem Voice notes that the Lib Dems finished in second place in 91 seats last month. The previous time, in 2017, they were in second place in just 38 constituencies. Sure, they are a long way down from the 23 per cent vote share a decade ago. But it would be misleading to suppose there has been no recovery at all.

So who will the next Leader be? The choice is limited. Their MPs include Tim Farron, their former Leader, but he has rules himself out. A newly elected MP would be an unlikely choice. Among those left are Wera Hobhouse, the MP for Bath, Jamie Stone, who represents Caithness, Sutherland and Easter Ross, and Christine Jardine, who was returned for Edinburgh West. All three have been tipped.

Layla Moran, the MP for Oxford West and Abingdon, has made clear she is considering standing and has been “clearing the decks” about her personal life in the Daily Mail. She admits that her then boyfriend, Richard Davis, had been detained by police after a row at a party conference turned violent in 2012. Charges against both of them were dropped. Moran describes herself as “pansexual” and is now in a relationship with Rosy Cobb, who was the Lib Dems’ head of media, until being suspended by the Party after a row over a faked email.

But Sir Ed Davey, the acting Leader and MP for Kingston and Surbiton would seem the front runner. Even though he was defeated by Swinson just a few months ago.

Rather more important is finding a role for the Party after Brexit. Some in the Party will want to quickly demand that the UK seek to rejoin the EU. Norman Lamb, a former Lib Dem MP, gives a different view tweeting:

“We have elevated support for a flawed institution (the EU) into an article of faith. Horrified to hear Guy Verhofstadt talking about the EU as an empire and the need for it to ‘defend our …way of life’ – at the Lib Dem conference to big applause!”

Lamb’s stance seems to me the true path for liberals and democrats. But will his Party agree? Even if it does and moves on from being a fan club for the EU, what will it stand for instead? Will it just regress to being an opportunist protest party? Sustaining and building on its local government advances will probably be the immediate priority for the new Leader. Whoever is chosen will face the challenge of giving the Party a coherant mission.

 

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

How Vox Pub foresaw the Tory victory in England, but failed to predict defeat in Scotland

In vino veritas? Vox Pub spoke to drinkers in five constituencies during the general election campaign, to see which way opinion was moving. Did these drinkers offer a truthful indication of the final result?

The first visit, to West Bromwich, just over five weeks before polling day, was the most illuminating, for it showed that at this early stage Labour was already in desperate trouble. A woman in her forties who had “never been for the Conservatives” and always been “for the people” told Vox Pub:

“I will definitely vote for Boris, liar, cheat and fool! And for Brexit! I want to get out.”

A man, a bus driver, declared:

“Mr Boris Johnson, I like him. OK, he’s had a bit of argy-bargy with his other half, but that’s water under the bridge.

“Boris is having my vote without a shadow of a doubt. Round here, they’re all swinging to the Conservatives.

“It needs someone to kick Mr Watson [the local MP] off his pedestal.”

Tom Watson, who in 2017 held West Bromwich East for Labour with a majority of 7,713, did not wait to be kicked off his pedestal, but announced a day or two later he would not be standing again.

On 12th December, West Bromwich East was won by Nicola Richards for the Conservatives with a majority of 1,593, while in West Bromwich West a Labour majority of 4,460 became a Tory majority of 3,799. Vox Pub had noted on 6th November the passions which led to these results:

“Opinion polls tell us that Johnson is more popular than Corbyn. But what the polls cannot convey is the way people talk about Johnson, or the strength of their feeling about him and about the cause which for them he represents.

“These voters do not regard the Prime Minister as a saint. But they do regard him as the strongest champion for Brexit, a cause dear to them, and one which they are enraged to see other politicians deserting.”

The second visit, to Penzance, a month before polling day, revealed the desperate perplexity of Liberal Democrat voters in Cornwall who support Brexit.

Penzance is the largest town in St Ives, a constituency held by Derek Thomas for the Conservatives in 2017 with a majority of 312 over the Liberal Democrat candidate, Andrew George, who had himself been the MP from 1997-2015.

George was regarded as an admirable local representative, and was standing again this time. His problem was that the Liberal Democrats at national level had promised to revoke Brexit without even holding a referendum.

So many drinkers expressed their esteem for George that it was clear he might still win. But there was also a yearning in West Cornwall for a government that would actually get Brexit done. In the words of a fisherman who had stayed up all night with the skipper of his boat, the Ajax, watching the referendum result in 2016:

“All I want is can we please have a government that has some backbone. This whole Brexit has been an embarrassment. We look weak on the world stage.”

In the end, the desire for a strong Brexit government outweighed the respect felt for George, who lost by 4,284 votes. How infuriated he and other defeated West Country Lib Dems must feel with the national party.

The third visit, to Stirling, gave a completely misleading impression of how things would unfold there. In 2017 Stephen Kerr, for the Conservatives, won Stirling by 148 votes from the SNP.

Vox Pub reported, on the basis of conversations in two pubs at either end of the Raploch council housing estate, that the SNP “is losing support to both Labour and the Conservatives”.

This was wrong. The SNP won Stirling by 9,254 votes, with Conservative support down by only 650 votes, but Labour (which held Stirling from 1997-2015) falling from nearly 11,000 votes to only just over 4,000.

Vox Pub failed to pick this up. Instead of the Conservatives winning by entrenching themselves as the main Unionist party, the SNP won by entrenching themselves as the main anti-Conservative party.

The fourth report, from Bolton, just over a fortnight before polling day, provided an accurate account of how the election would play out there. In 2013, this site called for “a Conservatism for Bolton West”, a seat then held by Labour with a majority of 92.

In 2015, Chris Green won Bolton West for the Conservatives by 801 votes, which he increased to the still slender majority of 936 votes in 2017.

How much happier Green looked when ConHome met him during the 2019 campaign, for as he himself said:

“In 2017, the feedback was very positive, there were a significant number of Labour switchers, but then when things went wrong with the manifesto, the switchers were pushed away, we almost told those voters, ‘We don’t want your support.’

“Whereas this time so far we’ve been able to hold onto them.”

It became clear, after a number of conversations, not just that Green would hold Bolton West, but that the Conservatives were on course to gain another of the three Bolton seats:

“In Bolton, the Conservative vote is holding firm and the Labour vote is soft. If these trends continue until polling day, the Tories have good chances of taking Bolton North East.”

In the event, Green’s majority in Bolton West increased to 8,855, while Labour’s majority of 3,797 in Bolton North East was turned into a Conservative majority of 378.

The fifth and final outing, just over a week before polling day, was to Pimlico, in Cities of London and Westminster, where Chuka Umunna, a prominent Labour defector, was standing for the Liberal Democrats, and the Conservatives were defending a majority from 2017 of only 3,148.

Vox Pub found no evidence either that Umunna was breaking through, or that Labour was mounting a credible challenge. A voter who had arrived in London from Longford, in the Irish Republic, at the age of 17 said:

“I came over for a wedding and I got married myself.

“I worked in the gas all my life, saving lives. There were no f—ing foreigners around then. The Paddies had to do everything. I worked all my life, I worked my bollocks off, I never got time to get f—ing sick, not when you had to put the rent on the table.”

ConHome: “Who will you vote for in the election?”

The Irishman: “I’ve always voted Labour but the moment I saw Jeremy Corbyn I said no.

“I stopped voting for Labour when they sold off all the gold. The next thing you know they’ll be selling us down the river. They nearly bankrupted the country. You’ve got to vote for the Conservative.”

Labour had no economic credibility, and Nickie Aiken proceeded to win Cities of London and Westminster for the Conservatives by 3,943 votes, with Umunna in second place and Labour 1,472 votes behind him. But for that almost even split in the Opposition vote, the Conservatives would have been in trouble.

Vox Pub saw how four of these five contests could be expected to play out. Only in Scotland did we miss what was happening.

There is a warning here for English Conservatives, repeated a few days ago on ConHome by Andy Maciver. It is all too easy for a visitor from London to Scotland to fail to see what is going on, and to take an unduly optimistic view of Conservative prospects.

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

How Vox Pub foresaw the Tory victory in England, but failed to predict defeat in Scotland

In vino veritas? Vox Pub spoke to drinkers in five constituencies during the general election campaign, to see which way opinion was moving. Did these drinkers offer a truthful indication of the final result?

The first visit, to West Bromwich, just over five weeks before polling day, was the most illuminating, for it showed that at this early stage Labour was already in desperate trouble. A woman in her forties who had “never been for the Conservatives” and always been “for the people” told Vox Pub:

“I will definitely vote for Boris, liar, cheat and fool! And for Brexit! I want to get out.”

A man, a bus driver, declared:

“Mr Boris Johnson, I like him. OK, he’s had a bit of argy-bargy with his other half, but that’s water under the bridge.

“Boris is having my vote without a shadow of a doubt. Round here, they’re all swinging to the Conservatives.

“It needs someone to kick Mr Watson [the local MP] off his pedestal.”

Tom Watson, who in 2017 held West Bromwich East for Labour with a majority of 7,713, did not wait to be kicked off his pedestal, but announced a day or two later he would not be standing again.

On 12th December, West Bromwich East was won by Nicola Richards for the Conservatives with a majority of 1,593, while in West Bromwich West a Labour majority of 4,460 became a Tory majority of 3,799. Vox Pub had noted on 6th November the passions which led to these results:

“Opinion polls tell us that Johnson is more popular than Corbyn. But what the polls cannot convey is the way people talk about Johnson, or the strength of their feeling about him and about the cause which for them he represents.

“These voters do not regard the Prime Minister as a saint. But they do regard him as the strongest champion for Brexit, a cause dear to them, and one which they are enraged to see other politicians deserting.”

The second visit, to Penzance, a month before polling day, revealed the desperate perplexity of Liberal Democrat voters in Cornwall who support Brexit.

Penzance is the largest town in St Ives, a constituency held by Derek Thomas for the Conservatives in 2017 with a majority of 312 over the Liberal Democrat candidate, Andrew George, who had himself been the MP from 1997-2015.

George was regarded as an admirable local representative, and was standing again this time. His problem was that the Liberal Democrats at national level had promised to revoke Brexit without even holding a referendum.

So many drinkers expressed their esteem for George that it was clear he might still win. But there was also a yearning in West Cornwall for a government that would actually get Brexit done. In the words of a fisherman who had stayed up all night with the skipper of his boat, the Ajax, watching the referendum result in 2016:

“All I want is can we please have a government that has some backbone. This whole Brexit has been an embarrassment. We look weak on the world stage.”

In the end, the desire for a strong Brexit government outweighed the respect felt for George, who lost by 4,284 votes. How infuriated he and other defeated West Country Lib Dems must feel with the national party.

The third visit, to Stirling, gave a completely misleading impression of how things would unfold there. In 2017 Stephen Kerr, for the Conservatives, won Stirling by 148 votes from the SNP.

Vox Pub reported, on the basis of conversations in two pubs at either end of the Raploch council housing estate, that the SNP “is losing support to both Labour and the Conservatives”.

This was wrong. The SNP won Stirling by 9,254 votes, with Conservative support down by only 650 votes, but Labour (which held Stirling from 1997-2015) falling from nearly 11,000 votes to only just over 4,000.

Vox Pub failed to pick this up. Instead of the Conservatives winning by entrenching themselves as the main Unionist party, the SNP won by entrenching themselves as the main anti-Conservative party.

The fourth report, from Bolton, just over a fortnight before polling day, provided an accurate account of how the election would play out there. In 2013, this site called for “a Conservatism for Bolton West”, a seat then held by Labour with a majority of 92.

In 2015, Chris Green won Bolton West for the Conservatives by 801 votes, which he increased to the still slender majority of 936 votes in 2017.

How much happier Green looked when ConHome met him during the 2019 campaign, for as he himself said:

“In 2017, the feedback was very positive, there were a significant number of Labour switchers, but then when things went wrong with the manifesto, the switchers were pushed away, we almost told those voters, ‘We don’t want your support.’

“Whereas this time so far we’ve been able to hold onto them.”

It became clear, after a number of conversations, not just that Green would hold Bolton West, but that the Conservatives were on course to gain another of the three Bolton seats:

“In Bolton, the Conservative vote is holding firm and the Labour vote is soft. If these trends continue until polling day, the Tories have good chances of taking Bolton North East.”

In the event, Green’s majority in Bolton West increased to 8,855, while Labour’s majority of 3,797 in Bolton North East was turned into a Conservative majority of 378.

The fifth and final outing, just over a week before polling day, was to Pimlico, in Cities of London and Westminster, where Chuka Umunna, a prominent Labour defector, was standing for the Liberal Democrats, and the Conservatives were defending a majority from 2017 of only 3,148.

Vox Pub found no evidence either that Umunna was breaking through, or that Labour was mounting a credible challenge. A voter who had arrived in London from Longford, in the Irish Republic, at the age of 17 said:

“I came over for a wedding and I got married myself.

“I worked in the gas all my life, saving lives. There were no f—ing foreigners around then. The Paddies had to do everything. I worked all my life, I worked my bollocks off, I never got time to get f—ing sick, not when you had to put the rent on the table.”

ConHome: “Who will you vote for in the election?”

The Irishman: “I’ve always voted Labour but the moment I saw Jeremy Corbyn I said no.

“I stopped voting for Labour when they sold off all the gold. The next thing you know they’ll be selling us down the river. They nearly bankrupted the country. You’ve got to vote for the Conservative.”

Labour had no economic credibility, and Nickie Aiken proceeded to win Cities of London and Westminster for the Conservatives by 3,943 votes, with Umunna in second place and Labour 1,472 votes behind him. But for that almost even split in the Opposition vote, the Conservatives would have been in trouble.

Vox Pub saw how four of these five contests could be expected to play out. Only in Scotland did we miss what was happening.

There is a warning here for English Conservatives, repeated a few days ago on ConHome by Andy Maciver. It is all too easy for a visitor from London to Scotland to fail to see what is going on, and to take an unduly optimistic view of Conservative prospects.

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

WATCH: “Some people don’t like the way I talk,” Swinson admits

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WATCH: “I can make sure that numbers come down,” Johnson promises on immigration

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WATCH: McDonnell is worried anti-semitism issue will have impact on Labour vote

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WATCH: Labour will create an economic crisis if they win the election, warns Javid

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