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Westlake Legal Group > Posts tagged "Trump, Donald J" (Page 17)

Biden Takes Dominant Lead as Voters Reject Trump on Virus and Race






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Westlake Legal Group all-top-600 Biden Takes Dominant Lead as Voters Reject Trump on Virus and Race United States Economy Trump, Donald J Race and Ethnicity Presidential Election of 2020 Polls and Public Opinion George Floyd Protests (2020) Coronavirus Reopenings Biden, Joseph R Jr

NYT Upshot/Siena College poll

of registered voters

Westlake Legal Group all-top-300 Biden Takes Dominant Lead as Voters Reject Trump on Virus and Race United States Economy Trump, Donald J Race and Ethnicity Presidential Election of 2020 Polls and Public Opinion George Floyd Protests (2020) Coronavirus Reopenings Biden, Joseph R Jr

NYT Upshot/

Siena College poll

of registered voters


“Other” includes those who would vote for another candidate, would not vote or did not know.·Based on a New York Times/Siena College poll of 1,337 registered voters from June 17 to June 22.

Joseph R. Biden Jr. has taken a commanding lead over President Trump in the 2020 race, building a wide advantage among women and nonwhite voters and making deep inroads with some traditionally Republican-leaning groups that have shifted away from Mr. Trump following his ineffective response to the coronavirus pandemic, according to a new national poll of registered voters by The New York Times and Siena College.

Mr. Biden is currently ahead of Mr. Trump by 14 percentage points, garnering 50 percent of the vote compared with 36 percent for Mr. Trump. That is among the most dismal showings of Mr. Trump’s presidency, and a sign that he is the clear underdog right now in his fight for a second term.

Mr. Trump has been an unpopular president for virtually his entire time in office. He has made few efforts since his election in 2016 to broaden his support beyond the right-wing base that vaulted him into office with only 46 percent of the popular vote and a modest victory in the Electoral College.

But among a striking cross-section of voters, the distaste for Mr. Trump has deepened as his administration failed to stop a deadly disease that crippled the economy and then as he responded to a wave of racial-justice protests with angry bluster and militaristic threats. The dominant picture that emerges from the poll is of a country ready to reject a president whom a strong majority of voters regard as failing the greatest tests confronting his administration.

Mr. Biden leads Mr. Trump by enormous margins with black and Hispanic voters, and women and young people appear on track to choose Mr. Biden by an even wider margin than they favored Hillary Clinton over Mr. Trump in 2016. But the former vice president has also drawn even with Mr. Trump among male voters, whites and people in middle age and older — groups that have typically been the backbones of Republican electoral success, including Mr. Trump’s in 2016.


If the 2020 presidential election were held today, whom would you vote for?





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Westlake Legal Group all-table-600 Biden Takes Dominant Lead as Voters Reject Trump on Virus and Race United States Economy Trump, Donald J Race and Ethnicity Presidential Election of 2020 Polls and Public Opinion George Floyd Protests (2020) Coronavirus Reopenings Biden, Joseph R Jr

Trump ahead

Biden ahead

All reg. voters

+14 pct. pts.

65 and older

RACE AND

EDUCATION

White, college

White, no coll.

PARTY

IDENTIFICATION

Independent

Republican

Very liberal

Somewhat liberal

Somewhat conservative

Very conservative

Westlake Legal Group all-table-300 Biden Takes Dominant Lead as Voters Reject Trump on Virus and Race United States Economy Trump, Donald J Race and Ethnicity Presidential Election of 2020 Polls and Public Opinion George Floyd Protests (2020) Coronavirus Reopenings Biden, Joseph R Jr

All reg. voters

65 and older

RACE AND EDUCATION

White, college

White, no coll.

PARTY IDENTIFICATION

Independent

Republican

Very liberal

Somewhat liberal

Somewhat conservative

Very conservative


Sample sizes may not add to the total because some demographic characteristics of respondents are unknown.·Based on a New York Times/Siena College poll of 1,337 registered voters from June 17 to June 22.

Arlene Myles, 75, of Denver, said she had been a Republican for nearly six decades before switching her registration to independent earlier this year during Mr. Trump’s impeachment trial. Ms. Myles said that when Mr. Trump was first elected, she had resolved to “give him a chance,” but had since concluded that he and his party were irredeemable.

“I was one of those people who stuck by Nixon until he was waving goodbye,” Ms. Myles said. “I thought I was a good Republican and thought they had my values, but they have gone down the tubes these last few years.”

Ms. Myles said she planned to vote for Mr. Biden, expressing only one misgiving: “I wish he was younger,” she said.

Most stark may be Mr. Biden’s towering advantage among white women with college degrees, who support him over Mr. Trump by 39 percentage points. In 2016, exit polls found that group preferred Mrs. Clinton to Mr. Trump by just 7 percentage points. The poll also found that Mr. Biden has narrowed Mr. Trump’s advantage with less-educated white voters.

The exodus of white voters from the G.O.P. has been especially pronounced among younger voters, an ominous trend for a party that was already heavily reliant on older Americans.

Fifty-two percent of whites under 45 said they supported Mr. Biden while only 30 percent said they supported Mr. Trump. And their opposition is intense: More than twice as many younger whites viewed the president very unfavorably than very favorably.

Tom Diamond, 31, a Republican in Fort Worth, Texas, said he planned to vote for Mr. Trump but would do so with real misgivings. He called the president a “poor leader” who had mishandled the pandemic and said Mr. Biden seemed “like a guy you can trust.” But Mr. Trump held views closer to his own on the economy, health care and abortion.

“Part of you just feels icky voting for him,” Mr. Diamond said. “But definitely from a policy perspective, that’s where my vote’s going to go.”

Some unease toward Mr. Trump stems from voters’ racial attitudes. According to the poll, white voters under 45 are overwhelmingly supportive of the Black Lives Matter movement, while older whites are more tepid in their views toward racial justice activism. And nearly 70 percent of whites under 45 said they believed the killing of George Floyd was part of a broader pattern of excessive police violence toward African-Americans rather than an isolated incident.

What’s striking, though, is that even among white seniors, one of Mr. Trump’s strongest constituencies, he has damaged himself with his conduct. About two-fifths of whites over 65 said they disapproved of Mr. Trump’s handling of both the coronavirus and race relations.

Mr. Trump retains a few points of strength in the poll that could offer him a way to regain a footing in the race, and the feeble condition of his candidacy right now may well represent his low point in a campaign with four and a half months still to go.

His approval rating is still narrowly positive on the issue of the economy, with 50 percent of voters giving him favorable marks compared with 45 percent saying the opposite. Should the fall campaign become a referendum on which candidate is better equipped to restore prosperity after the pandemic has subsided, that could give Mr. Trump a new opening to press his case.

The president is also still ahead of Mr. Biden among white voters without college degrees, who hold disproportionate influence in presidential elections because of how central the Midwest is to capturing 270 electoral votes.

Yet if Mr. Trump still has a significant measure of credibility with voters on the economy, he lacks any apparent political strength on the most urgent issues of the moment: the pandemic and the national reckoning on policing and race.

Nearly three-fifths of voters disapprove of Mr. Trump’s handling of the coronavirus pandemic, including majorities of white voters and men. Self-described moderate voters disapproved of Mr. Trump on the coronavirus by a margin of more than two to one.

Most of the country is also rejecting Mr. Trump’s call to reopen the economy as quickly as possible, even at the cost of exposing people to greater health risks. By a 21-point margin, voters said the federal government should prioritize containing the coronavirus, even if it hurts the economy, a view that aligns them with Mr. Biden.

Just a third of voters said the government should focus on restarting the economy even if that entails greater public-health risks.

That debate could become the central focus of the campaign in the coming weeks, as coronavirus outbreaks grow rapidly in a number of Republican-led states that have resisted the strict lockdown measures imposed in the spring by Democratic states like New York and California.

The public also does not share Mr. Trump’s resistance to mask wearing. The president has declined to don a mask in nearly all public appearances, even as top health officials in his administration have urged Americans to do so as a precaution against spreading the coronavirus. In the poll, 54 percent of people said they always wear a mask when they expect to be in proximity to other people, while another 22 percent said they usually wear a mask.

Just 22 percent said they rarely or never wear a mask.

Mr. Trump’s job approval on race relations was just as dismal. Sixty-one percent of voters said they disapproved of Mr. Trump’s handling of race, versus 33 percent who said they approved. By a similar margin, voters said they disapproved of his response to the protests after the death of Mr. Floyd.

Mr. Trump has sought several times in the last month to use demonstrations against the police as a political wedge issue, forcing Democrats to align themselves squarely either with law-enforcement agencies or with the most strident anti-police demonstrators.

The poll suggested most voters were rejecting that binary choice, as well as Mr. Trump’s harsh characterization of protesters: Large majorities said they had a positive overall assessment of both the Black Lives Matter movement and the police.


More voters feel strongly about Mr. Trump than they do about Mr. Biden





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Westlake Legal Group all-fav-600 Biden Takes Dominant Lead as Voters Reject Trump on Virus and Race United States Economy Trump, Donald J Race and Ethnicity Presidential Election of 2020 Polls and Public Opinion George Floyd Protests (2020) Coronavirus Reopenings Biden, Joseph R Jr

Voter impressions of …

Very

favorable

Very

unfavorable

Very

favorable

Very

unfavorable

ALL REG. VOTERS

Age 18 to 29

Age 30 to 44

Age 45 to 64

Age 65 and older

Age 18 to 29

Age 30 to 44

Age 45 to 64

Age 65 and older

Westlake Legal Group all-fav-300 Biden Takes Dominant Lead as Voters Reject Trump on Virus and Race United States Economy Trump, Donald J Race and Ethnicity Presidential Election of 2020 Polls and Public Opinion George Floyd Protests (2020) Coronavirus Reopenings Biden, Joseph R Jr

Voter

impressions of:

Very

favorable

Very

unfavorable

ALL REG. VOTERS

Age 18 to 29

Age 30 to 44

Age 45 to 64

Age 65 and older

Age 18 to 29

Age 30 to 44

Age 45 to 64

Age 65 and older

Voter

impressions of:

Very

favorable

Very

unfavorable

ALL REG. VOTERS

Age 18 to 29

Age 30 to 44

Age 45 to 64

Age 65 and older

Age 18 to 29

Age 30 to 44

Age 45 to 64

Age 65 and older


Sample sizes may not add to the total because some demographic characteristics of respondents are unknown.·Based on a New York Times/Siena College poll of 1,337 registered voters from June 17 to June 22.

The picture of Mr. Biden that emerges from the poll is one of a broadly acceptable candidate who inspires relatively few strong feelings in either direction. He is seen favorably by about half of voters and unfavorably by 42 percent. Only a quarter said they saw him very favorably, equaling the share that sees him in very negative terms.

Mr. Trump, by contrast, is seen very favorably by 27 percent of voters and very unfavorably by 50 percent.

Harry Hoyt, 72, of York County in Southern Maine, said he has sometimes voted for Republican presidential candidates in the past and cast a grudging vote for Mrs. Clinton in 2016. He felt better this time about his plan to vote for Mr. Biden.

“Biden would be a better candidate than Trump, simply because he’s a nice person,” Mr. Hoyt said. “One of the most important things to me is the character of the man in charge of our country.”

Significantly, one group that saw Mr. Biden as far more than just acceptable was black voters. Fifty-six percent of black respondents in the poll said they saw Mr. Biden very favorably, a far more enthusiastic judgment than from any other constituency.

The limited passion for Mr. Biden among other Democratic constituencies does not appear to be affecting his position against Mr. Trump. Though only 13 percent of people under 30 said they had a very favorable opinion of the former vice president, that group is backing Mr. Biden over Mr. Trump by 34 percentage points.

Nicholas Angelos, a 20-year-old voter in Bloomington, Ind., who said he supported Senator Bernie Sanders in the Democratic primaries, said he would vote for Mr. Biden as the “lesser of two evils.” He said he believed the former vice president would “try his best,” in contrast to Mr. Trump, whom he described as “an autocrat” and “anti-science.”

“We all have to compromise,” said Mr. Angelos, who described himself as very liberal. He added of Mr. Biden, “I don’t think he’s anything special.”

For the moment, voters also appear unpersuaded by one of the primary attack lines Mr. Trump and his party have used against Mr. Biden: the claim that, at age 77, he is simply too old for the presidency. Mr. Trump, 74, has mocked Mr. Biden’s mental acuity frequently over the last few months and his campaign has run television advertisements that cast Mr. Biden as absent-minded and inarticulate.

But three in five voters said in the poll that they disagreed with the claim that Mr. Biden was too old to be an effective president. The percentage of voters who agreed, 36 percent, exactly matched Mr. Trump’s existing support in the presidential race.

Lindsay Clark, 37, who lives in the suburbs of Salt Lake City, was among the voters who said she would probably vote for Mr. Trump because she was unsure Mr. Biden was “physically and mentally up to the task” of being president. But Ms. Clark expressed little admiration for Mr. Trump, whom she called unpresidential.

Ms. Clark, who voted for a third-party candidate in 2016, said she was hard-pressed to name something she really liked about Mr. Trump, eventually settling on the idea that he expressed himself bluntly.

“I was just trying to think if I could think of something off the top of my head that I was like, ‘Yes, I loved when you did that!’” she said of Mr. Trump. “And I kind of just can’t.”

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With Tweets, Videos and Rhetoric, Trump Pushes Anew to Divide Americans by Race

Westlake Legal Group 23trump-race-facebookJumbo With Tweets, Videos and Rhetoric, Trump Pushes Anew to Divide Americans by Race Trump, Donald J Race and Ethnicity Presidential Election of 2020 George Floyd Protests (2020) Black Lives Matter Movement

President Trump has repeatedly pushed inflammatory language, material and policies in recent days that seek to divide Americans by race as he tries to appeal to his predominantly white base of voters four months before Election Day rather than try to broaden his support.

Trailing in national polls and surveys of crucial battleground states, and stricken by a disappointing return to the campaign trail, Mr. Trump has leaned hard into his decades-long habit of falsely portraying some black Americans as dangerous or lawless. And he has chosen to do so at one of the most tumultuous periods in decades as Americans protest recent episodes of police brutality against black people that have highlighted the nation’s long history of racial injustice.

Over the last few days the president has tweeted context-free videos of random incidents involving black people attacking white people and baselessly argued that President Barack Obama, the country’s first black leader, committed “treason.” In an interview with the Catholic News Agency that was posted online on Monday, Mr. Trump said he planned to sign an order to protect national monuments at a time when statues of Confederate generals are being torn down across the country.

“We’re going to do an executive order,’’ Mr. Trump said. “We’re going to make the cities guard their monuments, this is a disgrace.”

Leaving for a trip to Arizona on Tuesday, Mr. Trump spoke of protesters near the White House the night before who tried to remove a statue of Andrew Jackson, declaring that he wants “long-term jail sentences for these vandals and these hoodlums and these anarchists and agitators.”

As president, Mr. Trump has rarely been so inflammatory on race in such a narrow window of time, from his recent tweet about a doctored video purportedly showing a “racist baby” to his use of a racist phrase — “Kung flu” — to describe the coronavirus at his rally in Tulsa, Okla., on Saturday.

On Tuesday, Twitter suspended the account of the meme creator who is a favorite source of material for the president, and who had produced the “racist baby” video that Mr. Trump tweeted.

Asked about Mr. Trump’s statements, Tim Murtaugh, a campaign spokesman, pointed to the president’s recent executive order related to policing and said he had a “tremendous record” on issues related to black Americans. “The president has also firmly stood for law and order and against violent destruction and vandalism, and he knows that all communities need to be able to live in peace in order to have prosperity,” he said.

Mr. Trump, who has waged only one campaign before this one, is effectively running a primary contest in a general election. Answering to his own instincts and what he thinks “my people” want, as he often puts it to advisers, the president is exploiting racial divisions in a way that appeals to only a segment of his party.

As political strategy goes, it’s confounding: First-term presidents historically have sought to broaden their support before their re-elections, but it’s especially peculiar given the fast-shifting views of moderate white voters and some Republicans on matters of race.

“I can speak from personal experience in Oklahoma City: white Republicans are having these uncomfortable conversations and are wanting to have them,” said David F. Holt, the city’s Republican mayor. “I’m seeing a broad consensus of support and empathy for the issues being raised by the Black Lives Matter movement.”

While Mr. Trump’s views on race and the protests have been out of step for weeks with many Americans, he has, in recent days, tried to rally his supporters on matters related to race, such as claiming without evidence that progressives have broadly labeled his voters as racists. In tweets, videos and at his campaign rally last Saturday, he has portrayed protesters as a threat in ways that are bound to heighten divisions rather than unite cross-sections of Americans.

A new New York Times Upshot/Siena College survey illustrates the chasm between the president and even many right-leaning voters on issues of race. While Mr. Trump rages about protesters and threatens them with violence, large portions of his party are far less hostile.

Over half of voters surveyed who said they were somewhat conservative, and even a quarter of voters who called themselves very conservative, had a favorable view of the Black Lives Matter movement.

Just as significant, some Republican-leaning voters are plainly uneasy with Mr. Trump’s conduct in the last month. About 46 percent of somewhat conservative voters said they disapproved of the president’s handling of the racial justice protests, and 70 percent of moderates said the same.

In ignoring those trends, Mr. Trump is appealing directly to his most conservative, devoted supporters, whom he has constantly been afraid of losing but who are hardly sufficient to re-elect him.

As his political challenges have intensified, Mr. Trump is stepping up his focus on race and “heritage,” in references to totems like statues of Confederate generals. He has vowed to defend a statue of Jackson, the president who owned slaves and signed a law that led to the forcible removal of thousands of Native Americans from their lands.

On Monday night, Mr. Trump retweeted users who posted video featuring black people physically assaulting white people, including one that was a year old. Days earlier, Twitter affixed a “manipulated media” tag to a video Mr. Trump tweeted that portrayed a fabricated CNN segment in which Trump supporters were maligned as racist.

At his rally in Tulsa, which drew far fewer supporters than anticipated, Mr. Trump made no mention of the massacre of black residents in the city’s Greenwood section in 1921, or of the Juneteenth holiday a day earlier that celebrated the end of slavery. Instead, he again bemoaned the tearing down of statues.

In an interview on Fox News on Tuesday morning, Mr. Trump said that people who ignore history will repeat it, and then said: “You don’t want to take away our heritage and our history and the beauty.”

As protesters try to tear down statues of a range of historical figures and spray paint buildings, including the St. John’s Church adjacent to the White House, some Democrats are beginning to cringe.

But Mr. Trump has been unwilling to spotlight the destruction of statues dedicated only to broadly popular figures, such as George Washington and Ulysses S. Grant. His inclination on race is always to reach for the most incendiary rhetoric, lest his supporters miss the point.

In some ways, his conduct recalls the period leading up to the 2016 Republican nomination, when he twice called for a ban on Muslims entering the United States and openly wielded race in a way that appealed to large segments of the G.O.P., but also alienated many people in the party.

Mr. Trump, however, is no longer a political novice running in a crowded field in which he needs to garner only a plurality to claim victory — as he did in 2016. He’s a sitting president facing a difficult re-election at a moment the country has been battered by crises and is desperately seeking leadership.

No matter how much his advisers and lawmakers nudge him to project unity and bigness, however, he keeps bingeing on the political equivalent of comfort food — convinced that it’s what his most loyal supporters crave.

But some aides and more than a few Republicans worry that, satisfying as this approach may be to him in the moment, it does not offer a path to 270 Electoral College votes, let alone help the G.O.P. retain the Senate. And it is a separate conversation from the one a large chunk of the country not glued to Mr. Trump’s Twitter feed is having.

“He’s not disciplined enough to focus on that,” Terry Sullivan, a longtime Republican strategist, said of a re-election-only strategy. “He needs the constant quick fix of people loving him.”

Mr. Trump, continued Mr. Sullivan, is “the Rod Stewart of politicians — he may keep coming up with new material but deep down he knows his fans just want to hear ‘Wake Up Maggie,’ so he keeps playing the same tune because he can’t stand the thought of them not loving his performance.”

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Fauci, Citing ‘Disturbing Surge,’ Tells Congress the Virus Is Not Under Control

Westlake Legal Group fauci-citing-disturbing-surge-tells-congress-the-virus-is-not-under-control Fauci, Citing ‘Disturbing Surge,’ Tells Congress the Virus Is Not Under Control United States Politics and Government Trump, Donald J Redfield, Robert R House Committee on Energy and Commerce Fauci, Anthony S Coronavirus Reopenings Coronavirus (2019-nCoV)
Westlake Legal Group 23dc-virus-cong-facebookJumbo Fauci, Citing ‘Disturbing Surge,’ Tells Congress the Virus Is Not Under Control United States Politics and Government Trump, Donald J Redfield, Robert R House Committee on Energy and Commerce Fauci, Anthony S Coronavirus Reopenings Coronavirus (2019-nCoV)

WASHINGTON — Dr. Anthony S. Fauci told Congress on Tuesday that he was seeing a “disturbing surge” of infections in some parts of the country, as Americans ignore social distancing guidelines and states reopen without adequate plans for testing and tracing the contacts of those who get sick.

Dr. Fauci’s assessment, delivered during a lengthy hearing before the House Energy and Commerce Committee, painted a much grimmer picture of the coronavirus threat than the one given by President Trump, who claimed last week that the virus that had infected more than two million Americans and killed more than 120,000 would just “fade away.”

“The virus is not going to disappear,” said Dr. Fauci, the nation’s top infectious disease expert, who testified that the virus was not yet under control in the United States.

His testimony came as more than half of the country was seeing an uptick in cases, with officials in some states slowing their return-to-work plans or even imposing new restrictions. Dr. Fauci and three other leaders of the government’s coronavirus response who testified on Tuesday cast a cloud over the sunny accounts offered by the president as he has portrayed the United States as a nation bouncing back from the brink.

“I am very cautious and I don’t — still don’t sleep well at night,” said Adm. Brent P. Giroir, the assistant secretary for public health, “because we have a long way to go.”

More than three months after Mr. Trump declared an emergency because of the virus, Dr. Fauci said the picture was a “mixed bag,” with some bright spots, but also some dark ones and many unknowns. Some states like New York are “doing very well” in controlling the spread of the virus, but the surge in other states is “very troublesome to me,” he said.

“The next couple of weeks are going to be critical in our ability to address those surges that we are seeing in Florida, in Texas, in Arizona and other states,” Dr. Fauci added.

Both he and Dr. Robert R. Redfield, the director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, warned of a dangerous situation looming this winter, when the regular flu season will intersect with the coronavirus, producing what Dr. Fauci described as “two respiratory-borne infections simultaneously confounding each other.”

The hearing came as the nation was still facing steep challenges in dealing with the virus. There is not nearly enough testing, and the United States lacks sufficient contact tracers to track down and isolate those who have come into contact with infected people — a critical step in controlling the virus’s spread, the experts agreed. Admiral Giroir conceded that even the 500,000 tests the country was conducting daily were insufficient. And Dr. Redfield said that the country had 28,000 contract tracers, a fraction of the 100,000 he had previously said it would need.

A coronavirus vaccine will not be ready until at least the end of this year or early 2021, Dr. Fauci said, reiterating the timetable he has given in the past. He said he was “cautiously optimistic” about meeting it.

He also pledged to lawmakers that he would not allow any vaccine to go to market until it was proved both safe and effective. And even then, there may be different vaccines for different populations, and some may require booster shots.

In the meantime, the witnesses said it was imperative for the nation to stock up on masks and other supplies.

The wide-ranging hearing, which also featured Dr. Stephen Hahn, the commissioner of food and drugs, lasted more than five hours. It veered from questions about how universities and public schools should handle reopening — each school or district should make its own assessment based on the severity of its outbreak, Dr. Fauci testified — to the mysterious cancellation of a $3 million research grant for a group that was studying the coronavirus in bats in Wuhan, China, where the outbreak originated.

“It was canceled because the N.I.H. was told to cancel it,” Dr. Fauci said, referring to the National Institutes of Health, without further elaboration. “I don’t know the reason, but we were told to cancel it.”

Political posturing abounded, as lawmakers of both parties tried to prod the witnesses and especially Dr. Fauci — the only witness who is not a political appointee of the president’s — into making a remark that might help or hurt Mr. Trump. After mass protests for racial justice that have drawn huge crowds and a campaign rally that Mr. Trump held in Tulsa, Okla., last weekend despite public health warnings, he gently suggested that Americans needed to do a better job of taking precautions to reduce the virus’s spread.

“Plan A: Don’t go in a crowd,” he said. “Plan B: If you do, make sure you wear a mask.”

Shortly before the hearing began, Mr. Trump used Twitter to complain that he was not getting credit for his response to the virus, noting that Dr. Fauci, “who is with us in all ways,” has “a very high 72% Approval rating” — much higher than the president’s, which stands around 41 percent.

In somber tones, all four of the doctors testifying on Tuesday made clear that the United States was hardly out of danger. Despite talk of a so-called second wave of the pandemic, Dr. Fauci said the nation was still in the middle of the first wave. Dr. Redfield said the crisis had “brought this nation to its knees,” cautioning that when it coincides with flu season this year, hospitals and health workers would face a tremendous strain. Getting a flu shot, he said, would be imperative.

“This single act will save lives,” Dr. Redfield said.

Much of the talk during the House hearing was about testing. All four doctors contradicted the president’s claim at his rally in Tulsa that he had asked “my people” to “slow the testing down” because increased screening was revealing more infections, making the country look bad. Each said he knew of no such request.

“We are proceeding in just the opposite — we want to do more testing and of higher quality,” said Admiral Giroir, who has been designated the “testing czar” by the president. “The only way that we will be able to understand who has the disease, who is infected, and can pass it, and to do appropriate contact tracing is to test appropriately, smartly — and as many people as we can.”

Dr. Hahn pushed back against the suggestion by Democrats that the White House had pressured the Food and Drug Administration in its handling of the malaria drug hydroxychloroquine, which Mr. Trump has promoted as a treatment.


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  • Frequently Asked Questions and Advice

    Updated June 22, 2020

    • Is it harder to exercise while wearing a mask?

      A commentary published this month on the website of the British Journal of Sports Medicine points out that covering your face during exercise “comes with issues of potential breathing restriction and discomfort” and requires “balancing benefits versus possible adverse events.” Masks do alter exercise, says Cedric X. Bryant, the president and chief science officer of the American Council on Exercise, a nonprofit organization that funds exercise research and certifies fitness professionals. “In my personal experience,” he says, “heart rates are higher at the same relative intensity when you wear a mask.” Some people also could experience lightheadedness during familiar workouts while masked, says Len Kravitz, a professor of exercise science at the University of New Mexico.

    • I’ve heard about a treatment called dexamethasone. Does it work?

      The steroid, dexamethasone, is the first treatment shown to reduce mortality in severely ill patients, according to scientists in Britain. The drug appears to reduce inflammation caused by the immune system, protecting the tissues. In the study, dexamethasone reduced deaths of patients on ventilators by one-third, and deaths of patients on oxygen by one-fifth.

    • What is pandemic paid leave?

      The coronavirus emergency relief package gives many American workers paid leave if they need to take time off because of the virus. It gives qualified workers two weeks of paid sick leave if they are ill, quarantined or seeking diagnosis or preventive care for coronavirus, or if they are caring for sick family members. It gives 12 weeks of paid leave to people caring for children whose schools are closed or whose child care provider is unavailable because of the coronavirus. It is the first time the United States has had widespread federally mandated paid leave, and includes people who don’t typically get such benefits, like part-time and gig economy workers. But the measure excludes at least half of private-sector workers, including those at the country’s largest employers, and gives small employers significant leeway to deny leave.

    • Does asymptomatic transmission of Covid-19 happen?

      So far, the evidence seems to show it does. A widely cited paper published in April suggests that people are most infectious about two days before the onset of coronavirus symptoms and estimated that 44 percent of new infections were a result of transmission from people who were not yet showing symptoms. Recently, a top expert at the World Health Organization stated that transmission of the coronavirus by people who did not have symptoms was “very rare,” but she later walked back that statement.

    • What’s the risk of catching coronavirus from a surface?

      Touching contaminated objects and then infecting ourselves with the germs is not typically how the virus spreads. But it can happen. A number of studies of flu, rhinovirus, coronavirus and other microbes have shown that respiratory illnesses, including the new coronavirus, can spread by touching contaminated surfaces, particularly in places like day care centers, offices and hospitals. But a long chain of events has to happen for the disease to spread that way. The best way to protect yourself from coronavirus — whether it’s surface transmission or close human contact — is still social distancing, washing your hands, not touching your face and wearing masks.

    • How does blood type influence coronavirus?

      A study by European scientists is the first to document a strong statistical link between genetic variations and Covid-19, the illness caused by the coronavirus. Having Type A blood was linked to a 50 percent increase in the likelihood that a patient would need to get oxygen or to go on a ventilator, according to the new study.

    • How many people have lost their jobs due to coronavirus in the U.S.?

      The unemployment rate fell to 13.3 percent in May, the Labor Department said on June 5, an unexpected improvement in the nation’s job market as hiring rebounded faster than economists expected. Economists had forecast the unemployment rate to increase to as much as 20 percent, after it hit 14.7 percent in April, which was the highest since the government began keeping official statistics after World War II. But the unemployment rate dipped instead, with employers adding 2.5 million jobs, after more than 20 million jobs were lost in April.

    • My state is reopening. Is it safe to go out?

      States are reopening bit by bit. This means that more public spaces are available for use and more and more businesses are being allowed to open again. The federal government is largely leaving the decision up to states, and some state leaders are leaving the decision up to local authorities. Even if you aren’t being told to stay at home, it’s still a good idea to limit trips outside and your interaction with other people.

    • What are the symptoms of coronavirus?

      Common symptoms include fever, a dry cough, fatigue and difficulty breathing or shortness of breath. Some of these symptoms overlap with those of the flu, making detection difficult, but runny noses and stuffy sinuses are less common. The C.D.C. has also added chills, muscle pain, sore throat, headache and a new loss of the sense of taste or smell as symptoms to look out for. Most people fall ill five to seven days after exposure, but symptoms may appear in as few as two days or as many as 14 days.

    • How can I protect myself while flying?

      If air travel is unavoidable, there are some steps you can take to protect yourself. Most important: Wash your hands often, and stop touching your face. If possible, choose a window seat. A study from Emory University found that during flu season, the safest place to sit on a plane is by a window, as people sitting in window seats had less contact with potentially sick people. Disinfect hard surfaces. When you get to your seat and your hands are clean, use disinfecting wipes to clean the hard surfaces at your seat like the head and arm rest, the seatbelt buckle, the remote, screen, seat back pocket and the tray table. If the seat is hard and nonporous or leather or pleather, you can wipe that down, too. (Using wipes on upholstered seats could lead to a wet seat and spreading of germs rather than killing them.)

    • What should I do if I feel sick?

      If you’ve been exposed to the coronavirus or think you have, and have a fever or symptoms like a cough or difficulty breathing, call a doctor. They should give you advice on whether you should be tested, how to get tested, and how to seek medical treatment without potentially infecting or exposing others.


“I can tell you that I have not felt political pressure, nor has the F.D.A., to make any decision in any specific direction,” Dr. Hahn said.

The officials and lawmakers also repeatedly returned to the question of test positivity rates, an indicator that reveals the severity of outbreaks more than a tally of positive tests.

Mr. Trump and Vice President Mike Pence have both promoted an increase in testing as a reason for the rising numbers around the country, but Dr. Fauci at one point on Tuesday said it was more complicated than that. Referring to recent increasing in positivity rates in North Carolina and Arizona, he said that they were a clear indication of “additional infections that are responsible for those increases.”

And both Dr. Fauci and Dr. Redfield expressed concern about Mr. Trump’s decision late last month to withdraw from the World Health Organization, saying that they had maintained longstanding relationships with the W.H.O. even as the White House moved to punish it over its relationship with China.

Pressed by Congress to develop a plan to address the disproportionate effect of the virus on racial minorities, the administration announced it had created an initiative to do so. Admiral Giroir said that the Department of Health and Human Services had started a $40 million initiative at Morehouse School of Medicine, a historically black college in Atlanta, to educate Americans in underserved communities — including Native American tribes — about the coronavirus threat so that they could have better access to testing and treatment.

For the most part, the hearing was calm and polite. But Dr. Fauci grew testy when Representative David B. McKinley, Republican of West Virginia, asked him if he thought the news media had treated Mr. Trump unfairly — Dr. Fauci declined to answer — and whether he regretted not advising people more forcefully to wear masks earlier in the pandemic.

“OK, we’re going to play that game,” Dr. Fauci said, seemingly irked. Mr. McKinley said it was a yes-or-no question.

“There is more than a yes or no, by the tone of your question,” Dr. Fauci shot back. “I do not regret that. Let me explain to you what happened. At that time, there was a paucity of equipment that our health care providers needed who put themselves daily in harm’s way of taking care of people who are ill.”

Dr. Fauci himself brought two masks to the hearing, a black one that he wore for the first few hours and a red one emblazoned with logos of the Washington Nationals baseball team, of which he told the panel he was “an avid fan.”

Questioned about Mr. Trump’s refusal to wear a mask, Dr. Fauci did not directly criticize the president, but he delivered a veiled rebuke, telling lawmakers that it was important for public officials like him to wear face masks, “not only because I want to protect others and to protect myself, but also to set an example.”

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Roger Stone Sentencing Was Politicized, Prosecutor Plans to Testify

Westlake Legal Group roger-stone-sentencing-was-politicized-prosecutor-plans-to-testify Roger Stone Sentencing Was Politicized, Prosecutor Plans to Testify Zelinsky, Aaron S J United States Politics and Government Trump, Donald J Stone, Roger J Jr Shea, Timothy J (1960- ) Russian Interference in 2016 US Elections and Ties to Trump Associates Mueller, Robert S III Justice Department House Committee on the Judiciary Elias, John W Barr, William P Antitrust Laws and Competition Issues
Westlake Legal Group 23dc-justice-facebookJumbo Roger Stone Sentencing Was Politicized, Prosecutor Plans to Testify Zelinsky, Aaron S J United States Politics and Government Trump, Donald J Stone, Roger J Jr Shea, Timothy J (1960- ) Russian Interference in 2016 US Elections and Ties to Trump Associates Mueller, Robert S III Justice Department House Committee on the Judiciary Elias, John W Barr, William P Antitrust Laws and Competition Issues

Senior law enforcement officials intervened to seek a more lenient prison sentence for President Trump’s friend and ally Roger J. Stone Jr. for political reasons, a former prosecutor on the case is expected to testify before Congress on Wednesday, citing his supervisor’s account of the matter.

“What I heard — repeatedly — was that Roger Stone was being treated differently from any other defendant because of his relationship to the president,” the prosecutor, Aaron S.J. Zelinsky, said in a written opening statement submitted on Tuesday to the House Judiciary Committee ahead of Wednesday’s hearing. A copy was obtained by The New York Times.

Mr. Zelinsky is expected to be joined by another current Justice Department employee, John W. Elias, a senior career official in the antitrust division, who will tell the committee that under Attorney General William P. Barr’s leadership, the division was forced for political reasons to pursue unjustified investigations of the fledgling legal marijuana industry and an antipollution pact between California and several automakers.

Democrats have portrayed both men as whistle-blowers who are covered by laws protecting civil servants who share information with Congress. Their emergence now, as Mr. Barr battles questions over the abrupt firing last week of the top federal prosecutor in Manhattan who led investigations into Mr. Trump’s associates, is certain to fuel charges by Democratic and some Republican critics that the attorney general has corruptly bent the department to meet Mr. Trump’s interests and his own.

But at least in the case of Mr. Zelinsky, the secondhand nature of his account of the intervention by Mr. Barr and the acting U.S. attorney in Washington at the time, Timothy Shea, could undercut some of its potential force. And even Democrats concede that with just months left in Mr. Trump’s term, any revelations laid before Congress may have little effect on the fate of Mr. Barr, who has repeatedly and unabashedly defended his actions, or the department.

A department spokeswoman said that the attorney general determined that prosecutors’ recommendation for Mr. Stone’s sentence was “excessive and inconsistent with similar cases” and noted that a judge ultimately sentenced Mr. Stone to about half the time — 40 months — that the prosecutors had originally proposed.

“Mr. Zelinksy’s allegations concerning the U.S. attorney’s motivation are based on his own interpretation of events and hearsay (at best), not firsthand knowledge,” said the spokeswoman, Kerri Kupec, adding that Mr. Zelinsky never spoke with any member of the department’s leadership about the case.

The intervention in the Stone case is expected to be a major focus of the hearing. Mr. Zelinsky and three fellow career prosecutors recommended to a judge in February that Mr. Stone receive seven to nine years in prison, in line with standard guidelines, for perjury and other crimes related to his sabotaging of a congressional inquiry into Russia’s interference in the 2016 election and links to the Trump campaign. Mr. Stone, a longtime confidant of Mr. Trump’s, served as the Trump campaign’s principal intermediary to WikiLeaks during the 2016 campaign at the time it was publishing information stolen by the Russians and damaging to Hillary Clinton.

But as Mr. Trump attacked that sentencing recommendation on Twitter, the department began to work on a new, more lenient recommendation to the judge meting out Mr. Stone’s punishment. The four prosecutors quit the case, and the request was submitted without their signatures.

Ms. Kupec said that Mr. Barr had not discussed the sentencing request with the president and that he had decided to intervene before Mr. Trump tweeted about it.

Mr. Zelinsky will say that a supervisor working on the case told him there were “political reasons” for more senior officials to resist and then override prosecutors’ recommendation to follow the sentencing guidelines and that the supervisor agreed that doing so “was unethical and wrong.”

Mr. Zelinsky did not say in his written statement who specifically told him about what was going on. Jonathan Kravis, another prosecutor who quit the case in protest — and, unlike Mr. Zelinsky, also resigned from the Justice Department — has written in an op-ed in The Washington Post that he “resigned because I was not willing to serve a department that would so easily abdicate its responsibility to dispense impartial justice.”

The intervention came days after Mr. Barr had maneuvered the Senate-confirmed U.S. attorney for the District of Columbia, Jessie K. Liu, out of her role and installed Mr. Shea, who had been a close aide from his own office.

Mr. Zelinsky planned to say he was told that Mr. Shea “was receiving heavy pressure from the highest levels of the Department of Justice to cut Stone a break” and complied because he was “afraid of the president.” He and other line prosecutors were told that the case was “not the hill worth dying on” and that they could lose their jobs if they did not fall in line, according to the statement.

Mr. Zelinsky, a prosecutor in Baltimore, had been detailed to Washington to continue work on the Stone case that was begun while he worked for the special counsel, Robert S. Mueller III. Mr. Stone, citing the spread of the Covid-19 pandemic in federal prisons, asked a federal judge Tuesday for a two-month delay before he is forced to begin serving his prison sentence, which he was due to report for next week. His motion said that the U.S. attorney’s office in Washington had told his lawyers that based on the department’s guidance about handling pandemic-related issues, the government was not opposed.

According to Mr. Elias’s written opening statement, he will accuse the department of inappropriately using its antitrust power to investigate 10 proposed mergers and acquisitions in the marijuana industry because Mr. Barr “did not like the nature of their underlying business.”

The reviews consumed a large amount of the antitrust division’s resources, he said, and document demands imposed a heavy burden on the companies, which were forced to produce hundreds of thousands of pages that the department in some cases did not even look at.

At least one merger fell through and stock prices dropped as a result, he said, even though there was never a justification in competitiveness analysis — like whether the companies trying to merge would have too much market share — for using antitrust powers to essentially harass the firms.

Mr. Elias said that after division staff members expressed concerns, the head of the division, Makan Delrahim, held an all-staff meeting in September and “acknowledged that the investigations were motivated by the fact that the cannabis industry is unpopular ‘on the fifth floor,’ a reference to Attorney General Barr’s offices in the D.O.J. headquarters building.”

Mr. Elias added, “Personal dislike of the industry is not a proper basis upon which to ground an antitrust investigation.”

Mr. Elias’s statement also portrayed an antitrust review of a deal struck by four major automakers with the State of California to voluntarily continue to improve fuel efficiency and reduce emissions on new cars, despite the Trump administration’s rollback of federal standards, as politically motivated rather than grounded in the facts and the law.

Mr. Trump had attacked the deal on Twitter, and the division began its review without going through normal procedures, Mr. Elias said.

Asked for a response, another Justice Department official familiar with the inquiry said that it was opened because of news reporting that raised potential antitrust concerns, not because Mr. Trump was angry.

Mr. Elias also said the department had all the information it needed to close the investigation without action in November, but “the political leadership” then asked staff members to examine California’s announcement that it would buy only cars that met the standards to keep the inquiry going until February.

While the testimony from the two current Justice Department officials about inside deliberation is expected to be the centerpiece of the hearing, the panel will also take testimony from two Republican Justice Department officials from previous administrations — Donald Ayer, who was the deputy attorney general under President George Bush, and Michael Mukasey, who was the attorney general under President George W. Bush.

Mr. Ayer has been an outspoken critic of Mr. Barr, whom he served alongside. Republicans on the committee invited Mr. Mukasey.

House Democrats have made clear they are also interested in learning more about the firing of the top prosecutor in Manhattan, Geoffrey S. Berman. Mr. Berman initially and publicly resisted Mr. Barr’s pressure to step aside, prompting a furor among Democrats and former Justice Department officials who warned that the White House was trying to force him out because he continued to pursue sensitive cases that irked Mr. Trump.

The Judiciary Committee has reached out to Mr. Berman, but he is not expected to appear on Wednesday.

Democrats may subpoena Mr. Barr himself as soon as this week to testify but there is no guarantee he would appear. The attorney general has resisted such appearances in the past and his department has promulgated legal guidance challenging the validity of some past subpoenas from House Democrats, effectively shielding officials from testimony.

Sharon LaFraniere contributed reporting.

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EU May Ban Travel from US as it Reopens Borders, Citing Coronavirus Failures

Westlake Legal Group eu-may-ban-travel-from-us-as-it-reopens-borders-citing-coronavirus-failures EU May Ban Travel from US as it Reopens Borders, Citing Coronavirus Failures United States International Relations Trump, Donald J Travel Warnings European Union Europe Coronavirus (2019-nCoV)

BRUSSELS — European Union countries rushing to revive their economies and reopen their borders after months of coronavirus restrictions are prepared to block Americans from entering because the United States has failed to control the scourge, according to draft lists of acceptable travelers seen by The New York Times.

That prospect, which would lump American visitors in with Russians and Brazilians as unwelcome, is a stinging blow to American prestige in the world and a repudiation of President Trump’s handling of the virus in the United States, which has more than 2.3 million cases and upward of 120,000 deaths, more than any other country.

European nations are currently haggling over two potential lists of acceptable visitors based on how countries are faring with the coronavirus pandemic. Both include China, as well as developing nations like Uganda, Cuba and Vietnam.

Travelers from the United States and the rest of the world have been excluded from visiting the European Union — with few exceptions mostly for repatriations or “essential travel” —- since mid-March. But a final decision on reopening the borders is expected early next week, before the bloc reopens on July 1.

A prohibition of Americans by Brussels partly reflects the shifting pattern of the pandemic. In March, when Europe was the epicenter, Mr. Trump infuriated European leaders when he banned citizens from most European Union countries from traveling to America. Mr. Trump justified the move as necessary to protect the United States, which at the time had roughly 1,100 coronavirus cases and 38 deaths.

In late May and early June, Mr. Trump said Europe was “making progress” and hinted that some restrictions would be lifted soon, but nothing has happened since then. Today, Europe has largely curbed the outbreak, even as the United States, the worst-afflicted, has seen more infection surges just in the past week.

Prohibiting American travelers from entering the European Union would have significant economic, cultural and geopolitical ramifications. Millions of American tourists visit Europe every summer. Business travel is common, given the huge economic ties between the United States and the E.U.

ImageWestlake Legal Group merlin_172805025_3b7ff2e7-c9dd-4e92-84e7-a4faca167e8c-articleLarge EU May Ban Travel from US as it Reopens Borders, Citing Coronavirus Failures United States International Relations Trump, Donald J Travel Warnings European Union Europe Coronavirus (2019-nCoV)
Credit…Sarah Blesener for The New York Times

The draft lists were shared with the Times by an official involved in the talks and confirmed by another official involved in the talks. Two additional European Union officials confirmed the content of the lists as well the details of the negotiations to shape and finalize them. All of the officials gave the information on condition of anonymity because the issue is politically delicate.

The forging of a common list of outsiders who can enter the bloc is part of an effort by the European Union to fully reopen internal borders among its 27 member states. Free travel and trade among members is a core principle of the bloc — one that has been badly disrupted during the pandemic.

Since the outbreak, the bloc has succumbed to piecemeal national policies that have resulted in an incoherent patchwork of open and closed borders.

Some internal borders have practically remained closed while others have opened. Some member states that desperately need tourists have rushed ahead to accept non-E.U. visitors and pledged to test them on arrival. Others have tried to create closed travel zones between certain countries, called “bubbles” or “corridors.”

Putting these safe lists together highlights the fraught, messy task of removing pandemic-related measures and unifying the bloc’s approach. But the imperatives of restoring the internal harmony of the E.U. and slowly opening up to the world is paramount, even if it threatens rifts with close allies including the United States, which appears bound to be excluded, at least initially.

Credit…Carlos Garcia Rawlins/Reuters

President Trump, as well as his Russian and Brazilian counterparts, Vladimir V. Putin and Jair Bolsonaro, have followed what critics call a comparable path in their pandemic response that leaves all three countries in a similarly bad spot: they were dismissive at the outset of the crisis, slow to respond to scientific advice and saw a boom of domestic cases as other parts of the world, notably in Europe and Asia, were slowly managing to get their outbreaks under control.

Countries on the E.U. draft lists have been selected as safe based on a combination of epidemiological criteria. The benchmark is the E.U. average number of new infections — over the past 14 days — per 100,000 people, which is currently 16 for the bloc. The comparable number for the United States is 107, while Brazil’s is 190 and Russia’s is 80, according to a Times database.

Once diplomats agree on a final list, it will be presented as a recommendation early next week before July 1. The E.U. can’t force members to adopt it, but European officials warn that failure of any of the 27 members to stick to it could lead to the reintroduction of borders within the bloc.

The reason this exercise is additionally complex for Europe is that, if internal borders are open but member states don’t honor the same rules, visitors from nonapproved nations could land in one European country, and then jump onward to other E.U. nations undetected.

European officials said the list would be revised every two weeks to reflect new realities around the world as nations see the virus ebb and flow.

The process of agreeing on it has been challenging, with diplomats from all European member states hunkering down for multiple hourslong meetings for the past few weeks.

Credit…Victor Moriyama for The New York Times

As of Tuesday, the officials and diplomats were poring over two versions of the safe list under debate, and were scheduled to meet again on Wednesday to continue sparring over the details.

One list contains 47 countries and includes only those nations with an infection rate lower than the E.U. average. The other longer list has 54 countries and also includes those nations with slightly worse case rates than the E.U. average, going up to 20 new cases per 100,000 people.

The existing restrictions on nonessential travel to all 27 member states plus Switzerland, Norway, Iceland and Liechtenstein were introduced on March 16 and extended twice until July 1, in a bid to contain the virus as the continent entered a three-month long confinement.

“Discussions are happening very intensively,” to reach consensus in time for July 1, said Adalbert Jahnz, a spokesman for the European Commission, the bloc’s executive branch. He called the process “frankly, a full-time job.”


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  • Frequently Asked Questions and Advice

    Updated June 22, 2020

    • Is it harder to exercise while wearing a mask?

      A commentary published this month on the website of the British Journal of Sports Medicine points out that covering your face during exercise “comes with issues of potential breathing restriction and discomfort” and requires “balancing benefits versus possible adverse events.” Masks do alter exercise, says Cedric X. Bryant, the president and chief science officer of the American Council on Exercise, a nonprofit organization that funds exercise research and certifies fitness professionals. “In my personal experience,” he says, “heart rates are higher at the same relative intensity when you wear a mask.” Some people also could experience lightheadedness during familiar workouts while masked, says Len Kravitz, a professor of exercise science at the University of New Mexico.

    • I’ve heard about a treatment called dexamethasone. Does it work?

      The steroid, dexamethasone, is the first treatment shown to reduce mortality in severely ill patients, according to scientists in Britain. The drug appears to reduce inflammation caused by the immune system, protecting the tissues. In the study, dexamethasone reduced deaths of patients on ventilators by one-third, and deaths of patients on oxygen by one-fifth.

    • What is pandemic paid leave?

      The coronavirus emergency relief package gives many American workers paid leave if they need to take time off because of the virus. It gives qualified workers two weeks of paid sick leave if they are ill, quarantined or seeking diagnosis or preventive care for coronavirus, or if they are caring for sick family members. It gives 12 weeks of paid leave to people caring for children whose schools are closed or whose child care provider is unavailable because of the coronavirus. It is the first time the United States has had widespread federally mandated paid leave, and includes people who don’t typically get such benefits, like part-time and gig economy workers. But the measure excludes at least half of private-sector workers, including those at the country’s largest employers, and gives small employers significant leeway to deny leave.

    • Does asymptomatic transmission of Covid-19 happen?

      So far, the evidence seems to show it does. A widely cited paper published in April suggests that people are most infectious about two days before the onset of coronavirus symptoms and estimated that 44 percent of new infections were a result of transmission from people who were not yet showing symptoms. Recently, a top expert at the World Health Organization stated that transmission of the coronavirus by people who did not have symptoms was “very rare,” but she later walked back that statement.

    • What’s the risk of catching coronavirus from a surface?

      Touching contaminated objects and then infecting ourselves with the germs is not typically how the virus spreads. But it can happen. A number of studies of flu, rhinovirus, coronavirus and other microbes have shown that respiratory illnesses, including the new coronavirus, can spread by touching contaminated surfaces, particularly in places like day care centers, offices and hospitals. But a long chain of events has to happen for the disease to spread that way. The best way to protect yourself from coronavirus — whether it’s surface transmission or close human contact — is still social distancing, washing your hands, not touching your face and wearing masks.

    • How does blood type influence coronavirus?

      A study by European scientists is the first to document a strong statistical link between genetic variations and Covid-19, the illness caused by the coronavirus. Having Type A blood was linked to a 50 percent increase in the likelihood that a patient would need to get oxygen or to go on a ventilator, according to the new study.

    • How many people have lost their jobs due to coronavirus in the U.S.?

      The unemployment rate fell to 13.3 percent in May, the Labor Department said on June 5, an unexpected improvement in the nation’s job market as hiring rebounded faster than economists expected. Economists had forecast the unemployment rate to increase to as much as 20 percent, after it hit 14.7 percent in April, which was the highest since the government began keeping official statistics after World War II. But the unemployment rate dipped instead, with employers adding 2.5 million jobs, after more than 20 million jobs were lost in April.

    • My state is reopening. Is it safe to go out?

      States are reopening bit by bit. This means that more public spaces are available for use and more and more businesses are being allowed to open again. The federal government is largely leaving the decision up to states, and some state leaders are leaving the decision up to local authorities. Even if you aren’t being told to stay at home, it’s still a good idea to limit trips outside and your interaction with other people.

    • What are the symptoms of coronavirus?

      Common symptoms include fever, a dry cough, fatigue and difficulty breathing or shortness of breath. Some of these symptoms overlap with those of the flu, making detection difficult, but runny noses and stuffy sinuses are less common. The C.D.C. has also added chills, muscle pain, sore throat, headache and a new loss of the sense of taste or smell as symptoms to look out for. Most people fall ill five to seven days after exposure, but symptoms may appear in as few as two days or as many as 14 days.

    • How can I protect myself while flying?

      If air travel is unavoidable, there are some steps you can take to protect yourself. Most important: Wash your hands often, and stop touching your face. If possible, choose a window seat. A study from Emory University found that during flu season, the safest place to sit on a plane is by a window, as people sitting in window seats had less contact with potentially sick people. Disinfect hard surfaces. When you get to your seat and your hands are clean, use disinfecting wipes to clean the hard surfaces at your seat like the head and arm rest, the seatbelt buckle, the remote, screen, seat back pocket and the tray table. If the seat is hard and nonporous or leather or pleather, you can wipe that down, too. (Using wipes on upholstered seats could lead to a wet seat and spreading of germs rather than killing them.)

    • What should I do if I feel sick?

      If you’ve been exposed to the coronavirus or think you have, and have a fever or symptoms like a cough or difficulty breathing, call a doctor. They should give you advice on whether you should be tested, how to get tested, and how to seek medical treatment without potentially infecting or exposing others.


The E.U. agency for infectious diseases, the European Center for Disease Prevention and Control, warned negotiators that the case numbers were so dependent on the level of truthfulness and testing in each country, that it was hard to vouch for them, officials taking part in the talks said.

Credit…Milos Bicanski/Getty Images

China, for example, has been accused of withholding information and manipulating the numbers of infections released to the public. In parts of the developing world, case numbers are very low, but it’s hard to determine whether they paint an accurate picture given limited testing.

And in the United States, comments made by President Trump at a rally in Tulsa over the weekend highlighted how easy it is to manipulate a country’s case numbers, as he suggested that domestic testing was too broad.

“When you do testing to that extent, you’re gonna find more people you’re gonna find more cases. So I said to my people slow the testing down, please,” Mr. Trump told supporters.

European embassies around the world could be enlisted to help verify or opine on the data provided that would inform the final list, negotiators said, another indication that the list could end up being quite short if European diplomats at embassies said reported numbers were unreliable.

Many European Union countries are desperate to reopen their borders to visitors from outside the region to salvage tourism and boost airlines’ revenue while keeping their own borders open to each other. Some have already started accepting visitors from outside the bloc.

At the other extreme, a few European nations including Denmark are not prepared to allow any external visitors from non-E.U. countries, and are likely to continue with this policy after July 1.

Germany, France and many other E.U. nations want non-European travelers to be allowed, but are also worried about individual countries tweaking the safe list or admitting travelers from excluded countries, officials said.

Monika Pronczuk contributed reporting from Brussels, and Albert Sun from New York.

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How Joe Biden Is Catching Up to the Trump Money ‘Juggernaut’

Former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. will hold his first event of the 2020 campaign with former President Barack Obama on Tuesday, and more than 120,000 people have already paid to attend, according to the Biden campaign, raising more than $4 million.

The joint appearance, which will be the biggest grass-roots fund-raiser of the cycle for the Democratic Party, will serve not just as a coming-out party for the former running mates but also as something of a punctuation mark on Mr. Biden’s arrival as a financial force in his own right.

In May, for the first time, Mr. Biden and the Democratic National Committee outraised President Trump and the Republican Party, $80.8 million to $74 million, and receipts are on pace to surge even higher in June. Mr. Biden’s online fund-raising so far this month has already surpassed May’s $34.4 million total, according to people familiar with the matter. Now, some party officials see $100 million as an achievable goal for June.

“May is the floor for June,” declared Tom Perez, the chairman of the D.N.C., who, along with senior campaign officials, declined to comment on the potential to reach $100 million.

The outpouring of cash has allowed Mr. Biden to sharply cut into the enormous financial advantage that Mr. Trump and the Republican National Committee built in the lead-up to 2020, shaving tens of millions of dollars off what had been a $187 million edge entering April. Since the beginning of March, Mr. Biden and the D.N.C. have banked more than $100 million.

Mr. Biden’s at times anemic fund-raising was one of his most glaring weaknesses during the primary race, when he was often badly outspent by rivals. The recent surge in donations comes as Mr. Trump appears increasingly vulnerable, reeling under the pressure of a national health crisis, an economic collapse and a wave of protests over racial injustice. Mr. Biden leads Mr. Trump in almost every national poll.

Still, Mr. Trump remains a prolific fund-raiser, reportedly raising $10 million at a recent dinner, and he has a significant cash advantage, even if it is no longer triple that of Mr. Biden.

Mr. Biden’s brightening financial picture is the result of a rapid confluence of events.

The primary race ended earlier and the Democratic Party coalesced faster behind the former vice president than expected, sparing him the expense of a drawn-out contest across dozens of states. The coronavirus pandemic sharply shrank the cost of campaigning, as Mr. Biden sheltered in place in Delaware for nearly three months. He did not need to add staff as quickly or as robustly as he otherwise might have.

At the same time, top Democratic donors have widely embraced virtual events, willingly forgoing some of the traditional perks of attending lavish in-person fund-raisers while cutting checks for up to $620,000. And as Mr. Trump falters on the national stage, small donors have seized at the chance of ousting him.

“Donald Trump is the best poster child for Democratic fund-raising in the history of Democratic politics,” said Chris Korge, the national finance chairman of the D.N.C.

Marc Nathanson, a veteran Democratic fund-raiser who helped host a Biden event on Friday, said the minimum price to get on that call was $50,000, and they doubled an initial goal of raising $1 million.

“We raised over $2 million on a Zoom call of all things,” Mr. Nathanson said.

Mr. Biden’s advisers see 2020 largely playing out as a referendum on Mr. Trump. The president’s erratic response to world events — the threats to sic the “most vicious dogs” on protesters, the forcible removal of peaceful demonstrators for his photo op outside a church, his use of racist language in calling the coronavirus the “kung flu” — has served as an accelerant for grass-roots giving, in particular as Americans took to the streets nationwide to protest systemic racism and police brutality.

About six weeks ago, the D.N.C. saw about 20 unsolicited $1,200 donations show up online — unusually large sums to arrive unexpectedly. Mr. Perez asked his team to investigate. In turns out, people had decided to essentially forward their government stimulus checks to defeat Mr. Trump.

“We actually think that we’ve become a really powerful place where people feel like they can do something about what’s happening right now,” said Jennifer O’Malley Dillon, Mr. Biden’s campaign manager.

For many months, Mr. Trump’s team has boasted about its prolific fund-raising hauls and swelling list of online supporters, with Brad Parscale, the president’s campaign manager, calling his operation a “juggernaut” in October, then again in January and February and May.

But the flip side of the enormous $817 million raised by the Trump campaign and the R.N.C. since the beginning of 2019 — and the $265 million still in the bank at the end of May — is that Mr. Trump and the Republican Party have already spent more than half a billion dollars and yet still entered the summer of 2020 trailing in the polls, with Mr. Biden cracking 50 percent in one prominent polling average. Mr. Trump spent $22.6 million on television ads from mid-March to mid-June, according to data from Advertising Analytics, a media-tracking firm; Mr. Biden just went on the air on Friday.

“The Republican war chest continues to dwarf that of Joe Biden and the Democrats,” the Trump campaign said in a statement over the weekend. (The Biden team has not released its exact cash-on-hand total, but campaign records indicate it is from $120 million to $150 million.)

ImageWestlake Legal Group merlin_173760759_06345a07-8937-493a-b7d4-4c076cfa5fdc-articleLarge How Joe Biden Is Catching Up to the Trump Money ‘Juggernaut’ Trump, Donald J Republican National Committee Presidential Election of 2020 Political Advertising Perez, Thomas E Parscale, Brad (1976- ) Dillon, Jennifer O'Malley democratic national committee Campaign Finance Biden, Joseph R Jr ActBlue
Credit…Doug Mills/The New York Times

Now, money is coming from all corners. The Biden campaign processed more than 900,000 online contributions in May on ActBlue, the main online portal for Democratic giving, and more than half of the donors were new to the campaign. This month began even faster, as Mr. Biden invested millions in online ads and expanded his email list by 1.5 million people, tapping into the activism arising from the protests.

Online donations were up 62 percent at the D.N.C. over the first 10 days of June compared with the same period in May. Proceeds from direct mail are booming, too: The committee saw its best May for direct mail since 2004, and the Biden campaign saw a large increase as well, according to party and campaign officials.

Overall, the number of donors to Mr. Biden has tripled since February.

“Its increasingly clear we’re going to be highly competitive with our resources against Trump,” Ms. O’Malley Dillon said.

Money alone does not decide presidential elections. If it did, Hillary Clinton would have won in 2016, and Mr. Biden would not be the presumptive Democratic nominee. But more cash gives campaigns greater strategic flexibility, allowing, for instance, Mr. Biden to buy his first flight of general election television ads last week.

Of late, though, Mr. Biden has not just raised more money than Mr. Trump — he has spent less. The Biden campaign spent half as much as Mr. Trump’s main campaign committee in May — $11.7 million compared with $24.5 million, according to Federal Election Commission records.

Mr. Trump’s campaign and the R.N.C. are paying top staff members significantly higher salaries than the Biden campaign and the Democrats. More than 20 of Mr. Trump’s campaign aides and R.N.C. officials are paid a higher salary that Mr. Biden’s campaign manager, for instance. Mr. Parscale is paid more opaquely, with monthly payments of $47,797 going to Parscale Strategy L.L.C., quadruple what Ms. O’Malley Dillon has received.

The highest paid officials were the party leaders, and there was a gap there, too: Ronna McDaniel, the R.N.C. chairwoman, was paid more than $24,000 in May; Mr. Perez was paid less than $16,000. (“A woman in the same position is making more because she is beating her male counterpart in nearly every metric,” said Michael Ahrens, an R.N.C. spokesman.)

In May, Mr. Trump spent $470,925 on polling, including $98,000 to the firm of John McLaughlin. Mr. McLaughlin wrote a memo this month titled “Skewed Media Polls,” which criticized surveys that show Mr. Trump losing the election, and the memo was recently posted on Twitter by the president. In contrast, Mr. Biden’s campaign spent only $122,300 on polling. (The R.N.C. spent another $2.5 million that was listed as “polling services/consulting” last month, which a party official said encompassed its voter data operation; the D.N.C. listed zero polling expenses.)

The Trump campaign and Republican Party also spent far more on legal fees — $1.55 million to $875,000 — than Mr. Biden and the Democrats in May.

One of the biggest shifts in the cash race is that Mr. Biden’s campaign is now regularly holding multimillion dollar fund-raisers, partly because the contribution limits for the presumptive nominee and the party are more than 200 times as high as during the primary. In June, Mr. Biden has raised a combined $21.6 million from just six of the virtual fund-raisers for large donors he has held.

And while Mr. Biden, during the primary race, had to compete with the next generation of Democratic talent, he is now able to leverage their networks, particularly those under consideration to be his running mate.

Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts held an event with Mr. Biden this month that raised $6 million in an evening, the campaign’s largest single fund-raiser. Unlike the Obama event, Ms. Warren’s relied on some major contributors. A few days earlier, Senator Kamala Harris of California organized an event that pulled in $3.5 million; Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham of New Mexico helped host another event that an organizer said raised $1.7 million; and Susan Rice, the former United Nations ambassador, headlined a fund-raiser last week that Mr. Biden did not attend.

The biggest contributors — even those cutting checks for $100,000 or more — have been willing to bypass the traditional grip-and-grin photo lines of big donor events of the past. Some even said the virtual fund-raisers had their own charm.

“There is an enhanced intimacy with these Zoom meetings,” Sarah Morgantheau, a Biden fund-raiser, said. “They have the gallery feature and you can see everything.”

They’re also much cheaper, saving the campaign money and time.

“You don’t have to buy wine, you don’t have to rent a room, you don’t have to pay for catering,” said Michael Marquardt, another fund-raiser for Biden.

“With or without a pandemic in 2024,” he added, “I think virtual fund-raising is here to stay.”

Rachel Shorey contributed reporting.

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Trump Defends China Trade Deal After Adviser Says It’s ‘Over’

Westlake Legal Group 22dc-chinatrade1-facebookJumbo Trump Defends China Trade Deal After Adviser Says It’s ‘Over’ United States Politics and Government United States International Relations United States Economy United States Trump, Donald J Navarro, Peter Lighthizer, Robert E International Trade and World Market Coronavirus (2019-nCoV) China

WASHINGTON — The White House trade adviser, Peter Navarro, said on Monday night that the trade deal between the United States and China was “over,” briefly causing stock markets to dive before he and President Trump quickly walked back the remarks.

“The China Trade Deal is fully intact,” Mr. Trump wrote on Twitter after Mr. Navarro, a noted China critic, had appeared on Fox News. “Hopefully they will continue to live up to the terms of the Agreement!”

The events underscored the sensitivity of the “Phase 1” trade deal that the United States and China signed in January, which buoyed stock markets and brought to a close a prolonged and bruising trade war. But tensions have been rising sharply between the two countries over the origins of the coronavirus pandemic and China’s assertion of power over Hong Kong, putting that pact into an increasingly precarious position.

Mr. Trump’s tweet was his firmest defense of his signature trade deal in weeks. While some of the president’s advisers believe that he has little to gain politically from scrapping it, others have said that his dissatisfaction with China is growing, raising the question of whether the United States would challenge China’s compliance with the pact.

Mr. Trump has also turned increasingly critical of China because of the spread of the coronavirus, which originated in a city there, and its damaging effects on the United States economy. And agricultural groups that were intended to benefit from the trade deal have complained to the Trump administration that China is lagging significantly behind targets in its promised purchases of farm goods, and that Chinese buyers are bypassing American soybeans for Brazilian ones.

But in testimony before Congress last week, Robert Lighthizer, the United States trade representative and the deal’s primary architect, forcefully defended China’s progress in fulfilling the pact. He said that he was in frequent contact with Chinese officials and that they were working hard to live up to their agreements.

“Every indication is that in spite of this Covid-19, they are going to do what they say,” Mr. Lighthizer said.

In an interview on Monday evening, Martha MacCallum of Fox News asked Mr. Navarro about the president’s desire to maintain the deal as long as possible. “He wanted them to make good on the promises because there had been progress made on that trade deal, but given everything that’s happened and all the things you just listed, is that over?” she asked.

“It’s over. Yes,” Mr. Navarro responded, adding that the “turning point” was China’s failure to warn the United States about the dangers of the coronavirus, which was spreading even as they concluded the pact.


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  • Frequently Asked Questions and Advice

    Updated June 22, 2020

    • Is it harder to exercise while wearing a mask?

      A commentary published this month on the website of the British Journal of Sports Medicine points out that covering your face during exercise “comes with issues of potential breathing restriction and discomfort” and requires “balancing benefits versus possible adverse events.” Masks do alter exercise, says Cedric X. Bryant, the president and chief science officer of the American Council on Exercise, a nonprofit organization that funds exercise research and certifies fitness professionals. “In my personal experience,” he says, “heart rates are higher at the same relative intensity when you wear a mask.” Some people also could experience lightheadedness during familiar workouts while masked, says Len Kravitz, a professor of exercise science at the University of New Mexico.

    • I’ve heard about a treatment called dexamethasone. Does it work?

      The steroid, dexamethasone, is the first treatment shown to reduce mortality in severely ill patients, according to scientists in Britain. The drug appears to reduce inflammation caused by the immune system, protecting the tissues. In the study, dexamethasone reduced deaths of patients on ventilators by one-third, and deaths of patients on oxygen by one-fifth.

    • What is pandemic paid leave?

      The coronavirus emergency relief package gives many American workers paid leave if they need to take time off because of the virus. It gives qualified workers two weeks of paid sick leave if they are ill, quarantined or seeking diagnosis or preventive care for coronavirus, or if they are caring for sick family members. It gives 12 weeks of paid leave to people caring for children whose schools are closed or whose child care provider is unavailable because of the coronavirus. It is the first time the United States has had widespread federally mandated paid leave, and includes people who don’t typically get such benefits, like part-time and gig economy workers. But the measure excludes at least half of private-sector workers, including those at the country’s largest employers, and gives small employers significant leeway to deny leave.

    • Does asymptomatic transmission of Covid-19 happen?

      So far, the evidence seems to show it does. A widely cited paper published in April suggests that people are most infectious about two days before the onset of coronavirus symptoms and estimated that 44 percent of new infections were a result of transmission from people who were not yet showing symptoms. Recently, a top expert at the World Health Organization stated that transmission of the coronavirus by people who did not have symptoms was “very rare,” but she later walked back that statement.

    • What’s the risk of catching coronavirus from a surface?

      Touching contaminated objects and then infecting ourselves with the germs is not typically how the virus spreads. But it can happen. A number of studies of flu, rhinovirus, coronavirus and other microbes have shown that respiratory illnesses, including the new coronavirus, can spread by touching contaminated surfaces, particularly in places like day care centers, offices and hospitals. But a long chain of events has to happen for the disease to spread that way. The best way to protect yourself from coronavirus — whether it’s surface transmission or close human contact — is still social distancing, washing your hands, not touching your face and wearing masks.

    • How does blood type influence coronavirus?

      A study by European scientists is the first to document a strong statistical link between genetic variations and Covid-19, the illness caused by the coronavirus. Having Type A blood was linked to a 50 percent increase in the likelihood that a patient would need to get oxygen or to go on a ventilator, according to the new study.

    • How many people have lost their jobs due to coronavirus in the U.S.?

      The unemployment rate fell to 13.3 percent in May, the Labor Department said on June 5, an unexpected improvement in the nation’s job market as hiring rebounded faster than economists expected. Economists had forecast the unemployment rate to increase to as much as 20 percent, after it hit 14.7 percent in April, which was the highest since the government began keeping official statistics after World War II. But the unemployment rate dipped instead, with employers adding 2.5 million jobs, after more than 20 million jobs were lost in April.

    • My state is reopening. Is it safe to go out?

      States are reopening bit by bit. This means that more public spaces are available for use and more and more businesses are being allowed to open again. The federal government is largely leaving the decision up to states, and some state leaders are leaving the decision up to local authorities. Even if you aren’t being told to stay at home, it’s still a good idea to limit trips outside and your interaction with other people.

    • What are the symptoms of coronavirus?

      Common symptoms include fever, a dry cough, fatigue and difficulty breathing or shortness of breath. Some of these symptoms overlap with those of the flu, making detection difficult, but runny noses and stuffy sinuses are less common. The C.D.C. has also added chills, muscle pain, sore throat, headache and a new loss of the sense of taste or smell as symptoms to look out for. Most people fall ill five to seven days after exposure, but symptoms may appear in as few as two days or as many as 14 days.

    • How can I protect myself while flying?

      If air travel is unavoidable, there are some steps you can take to protect yourself. Most important: Wash your hands often, and stop touching your face. If possible, choose a window seat. A study from Emory University found that during flu season, the safest place to sit on a plane is by a window, as people sitting in window seats had less contact with potentially sick people. Disinfect hard surfaces. When you get to your seat and your hands are clean, use disinfecting wipes to clean the hard surfaces at your seat like the head and arm rest, the seatbelt buckle, the remote, screen, seat back pocket and the tray table. If the seat is hard and nonporous or leather or pleather, you can wipe that down, too. (Using wipes on upholstered seats could lead to a wet seat and spreading of germs rather than killing them.)

    • What should I do if I feel sick?

      If you’ve been exposed to the coronavirus or think you have, and have a fever or symptoms like a cough or difficulty breathing, call a doctor. They should give you advice on whether you should be tested, how to get tested, and how to seek medical treatment without potentially infecting or exposing others.


“It was just minutes after wheels up when that plane took off that we began to hear about this pandemic,” he said.

Shortly after the interview, Mr. Navarro issued a statement recanting the remarks, saying they had been taken “wildly out of context.”

“They had nothing at all to do with the Phase 1 trade deal, which continues in place,” Mr. Navarro said. “I was simply speaking to the lack of trust we now have of the Chinese Communist Party after they lied about the origins of the China virus and foisted a pandemic upon the world.”

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The President’s Shock at the Rows of Empty Seats in Tulsa

Westlake Legal Group the-presidents-shock-at-the-rows-of-empty-seats-in-tulsa-scaled The President’s Shock at the Rows of Empty Seats in Tulsa Tulsa (Okla) Trump, Donald J Republican Party Presidential Election of 2020 Parscale, Brad (1976- )

President Trump and several staff members stood backstage and gazed at the empty Bank of Oklahoma Center in horror.

Mr. Trump and Vice President Mike Pence had canceled plans at the last minute to speak at an outdoor overflow rally that was almost entirely empty, despite claims of nearly one million people registering for tickets to attend the event in Tulsa, Okla., and the president’s false boast of never having an empty seat at one of his events.

The president, who had been warned aboard Air Force One that the crowds at the arena were smaller than expected, was stunned, and he yelled at aides backstage while looking at the endless rows of empty blue seats in the upper bowl of the stadium, according to four people familiar with what took place. Brad Parscale, the campaign manager who had put the event together, was not present.

Mr. Pence spoke just after 6:30 p.m. in Tulsa and then left, the cue for Mr. Trump to come on. But there was a delay. Mr. Trump’s deputy chief of staff, Dan Scavino, peeked out from behind black curtains to scan the fan-free seats in the top rows.

Mr. Trump eventually entered the arena for a meandering performance in which he excoriated the “fake news” for reporting on health concerns before his event, used racist language to describe the coronavirus as the “Kung Flu” and spent more than 15 minutes explaining away an unflattering video clip of him gingerly descending a ramp after his commencement speech at West Point.

Video

transcript

Why Trump’s Tulsa Rally Put the City’s Black Residents on Edge

President Trump’s rally in Tulsa, Okla., the site of one of the country’s worst episodes of racial violence in 1921, angered the city’s black residents. In this news analysis, we explain what this moment could mean for Mr. Trump’s re-election bid.

This weekend in Tulsa, the president held his first campaign rally since March, after the coronavirus pandemic suspended the campaign trail. “So we begin, Oklahoma we begin. Thank you, Oklahoma!” It was also the weekend of Juneteenth. For many black Americans, Juneteenth is a celebration of the end of slavery in this country. This was a moment that resulted in scenes like this. “You are a sellout!” ”Black people die [inaudible]” [shouting] The timing of the president’s rally, on the weekend of Juneteenth, also comes at a time where there have been weeks of nationwide protests against racism and police brutality. “Hands up! Don’t shoot!” It is particularly poignant in the South, and in Tulsa, because of the history of racial oppression here. Rather than a president that showed deference to the racial history of this city or to try to further the efforts of racial reconciliation, we saw him upend them. “About the first grade, we came to Tulsa. We moved to Tulsa. So, I kind of grew up on Greenwood. When I entered college and took black history, and my professor, he said, ‘Do you all know about the race massacre?’ And we were all like, ‘No. We had a riot here?’ You know. And he was just like, ‘OK, so everybody sit down and listen to this story.’” In the early 1900s, the Greenwood area of Tulsa was a thriving black neighborhood. “African-Americans, two generations out of slavery, pursued and exhibited black excellence.” “We had our own banks and hospitals and theaters and restaurants.” But that success didn’t sit well with the white community. And in 1921, after a black man was accused of disrespecting a white woman, things escalated. A white mob burned and looted Black Wall Street. “The violence lasted roughly 16 hours.” “They shot. They looted. They bombed.” “They threw bodies in the river. They threw them in mass graves.” “When the dust settled, some 100 to 300 people were killed. At least 1,250 homes were destroyed in the black community. Schools, churches and business were destroyed as well.” “Total devastation, like a war zone. What happened here was a momentous tragic event.” “That was the worst horrific story that I ever heard in my life.” “This church, we were building in 1921, our sanctuary — they destroyed that. And our basement miraculously survived. The damage on this pillar comes from when concrete burned. In this room, also we have soil collections from the different sites where people were killed.” After years of ignoring the massacre, many in Tulsa want to make it front and center of the community’s conversation. They set up this bipartisan commission to do a number of initiatives to bring forward the issue of racial reconciliation and commemorate the centennial anniversary of the massacre. And some institutions have apologized. “I’m sorry that the police department did not protect its citizens during the tragic days of 1921.” The hard part has been what to do next. “We demand reparations in honor of all those Americans that were killed! We demand reparations now!” “Saying ‘I’m sorry’ is not repentance. You know, saying ‘I’m sorry’ just recognizes what you did is wrong. Repentance is turning away from what you did that makes you sorry. Before you can even get to atonement, we have to have a society that admits that white supremacy is wrong. We’ve got to have a society that admits that black lives matter.” The president has tried to present himself as a unifying figure, as someone who can bring the country together, particularly in times of these dual crises: the coronavirus pandemic and the national unrest around race and racial inequality. But this weekend shows his challenges on that front and the inability of this administration to, frankly, get out of its own way. Juneteenth is, for many black Americans, a celebration of the emancipation of slavery. The president initially announced a rally on Juneteenth. When you talk to people, they say there was a moment of disbelief that the president was coming to Tulsa. “My first reaction was, ‘How disrespectful.’ I felt like it was a slap in the face.” And after pleas, even from Republican senators in the state, he moved the rally to the next day.” “Beep beep. Beep beep. It’s important to me because it’s history, it’s freedom. Girl, you’re looking good. It’s good to see you, long time. It’s education.” “You want to make America great again? You have to make Black Wall Street great again.” “And it’s important this year because people get to see that, hey, they’re still fighting for a cause, but they’re celebrating our freedom.” “To come on the weekend of Juneteenth shows that he has still not that much respect for our sacred day.” Ultimately, the president’s rally wasn’t as big as his campaign had hoped. But the significance of this weekend is seen in scenes like this. “I see you back there shaking your head. Yes, sir, black lives matter.” And one of the takeaways around this moment, around race in this country, has been the shifting public opinion about questions of systemic racism and persistent inequality. “No justice!” “No peace!” “No justice!” “No peace!” That lack of acknowledgement puts him at odds with even some members of his own party. The president’s strategy on race and on other issues has just narrowed his path to re-election. He has not shown a willingness to try to expand his base, leaving him fairly reliant on a similar group of voters that got him elected in 2016 to do so again in 2020.

Westlake Legal Group 20Tulsa-memo-videoSixteenByNine3000 The President’s Shock at the Rows of Empty Seats in Tulsa Tulsa (Okla) Trump, Donald J Republican Party Presidential Election of 2020 Parscale, Brad (1976- )
President Trump’s rally in Tulsa, Okla., the site of one of the country’s worst episodes of racial violence in 1921, angered the city’s black residents. In this news analysis, we explain what this moment could mean for Mr. Trump’s re-election bid.CreditCredit…Doug Mills/The New York Times

By the end of the rally, Mr. Trump’s mood had improved, advisers said. But after he left the stage, the fight seemed to have left him, at least temporarily. Leaving the arena, he wasn’t yelling. Instead, he was mostly muted.

When he landed back at the White House and walked off Marine One, his tie hung untied around his neck. He waved to reporters, with a defeated expression on his face, holding a crumpled red campaign hat in one hand.

Jared Kushner, the president’s senior adviser and son-in-law who serves as the de facto campaign manager, and who was involved in the decision to choose Tulsa as the host city, was not among the group of advisers with the president at the event. But he will be among those to whom the president turns to figure out what rallies look like going forward.

In a statement, Mr. Parscale, the campaign manager who many advisers singled out for the overhyped numbers, claimed the reports about TikTok users and Korean pop music fans foiling attendance at the rally were inaccurate, and even raised the possibility of not allowing the news media to attend events in the future.

“Leftists and online trolls doing a victory lap, thinking they somehow impacted rally attendance, don’t know what they’re talking about or how our rallies work,” Mr. Parscale said. “Registering for a rally means you’ve RSVP’d with a cellphone number and we constantly weed out bogus numbers, as we did with tens of thousands at the Tulsa rally, in calculating our possible attendee pool.”

Instead, he blamed the news media for the low turnout.

“The fact is that a week’s worth of the fake news media warning people away from the rally because of Covid and protesters, coupled with recent images of American cities on fire, had a real impact on people bringing their families and children to the rally,” he said.

Campaign officials on Sunday privately admitted that many people who had signed up to attend the event were not supporters but online tricksters. One campaign adviser claimed that “troll data” was still useful, claiming it would help the campaign avoid the same pitfall in the future.

The adviser said that the data could be put into the system to “tighten up the formula used to determine projected attendance for rallies.”

In an interview, Mr. Parscale said the empty arena was not his fault, and that local law enforcement in Tulsa had overreacted, making it difficult for supporters to gain entry. He claimed to have thousands of emails from supporters who tried to get into the Bank of Oklahoma Center and were turned away, but he did not share those messages or names of supporters.

And he shrugged off the rumors about his demise, claiming he had been fired 85 weeks in a row.

But unlike most situations in which Mr. Trump’s advisers have tried to keep certain information from him — such as the fact that Mr. Biden outraised him in the month of May — or put a rosy sheen on it, the president saw for himself the empty seats in Oklahoma.

Several White House officials called the rally a disaster, and an unforced error that heightened tensions among some of the president’s government advisers and his campaign aides. What’s more, Mr. Trump’s White House advisers had repeatedly cautioned campaign aides against announcing an added appearance at an outdoor space, advice that was ignored as Mr. Parscale and campaign surrogates talked about it publicly.

The event does not portend additional large Trump rallies this summer, people familiar with the discussions said. The campaign had hoped to use the Tulsa event as a reset after the president’s slide in the polls in the wake of his administration’s failures responding to the coronavirus, and after his stoking of racial tensions amid nationwide protests over police brutality prompted by the killing of George Floyd in police custody in Minneapolis.

For days before the rally, Mr. Trump was giddy about his first arena outing since March 2, telling one interviewer after another how big it would be based on the numbers that Mr. Parscale had cited publicly.

Mr. Parscale and others believed the event would demonstrate a real pent-up demand for Mr. Trump’s appearances — one the campaign has insisted exists. But some advisers privately questioned the data even before the event, and they feared the Tulsa rally was setting the team up for failure.

Now, some White House officials said the campaign was being dishonest about what had gone wrong, and they conceded that many of the president’s older supporters had decided attending the rally was too risky amid coronavirus fears that Mr. Trump has repeatedly played down.

Veteran campaign hands in both major political parties were highly skeptical of the Trump operation’s claims that one million people had signed up even before the rally.

Outside advisers to the president said his team was fielding calls from nervous donors and Republican lawmakers, who were asking whether the poorly attended rally indicated problems that were too big to fix with just over four months until Election Day.

It also was not clear if there would be a personnel switch because of the disastrous optics, but some officials recalled what happened in 2017, after an event in Arizona that did not go as Mr. Trump had hoped. George Gigicos, one of the original campaign hands and his rally organizer, was fired by the president.

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For Barr, Standoff With Prosecutor Adds to String of Miscues

WASHINGTON — From the onset of his tenure, William P. Barr has been billed as the attorney general that President Trump was looking for. And Mr. Barr has taken some pride in this role, telling Fox News this past weekend that he speaks with the president “very regularly.”

But for a man who projects unswerving confidence in his political and legal skills, his efforts this month to play presidential intimate have backfired, embarrassing both him and his boss.

The month has brought a string of unusually high-profile miscues for the attorney general. He has been at odds with the White House at critical moments, showing how even top administration officials known for their loyalty can fall out of sync with a president laser-focused on his own political popularity.

Mr. Barr came under fire for his role in ordering federal officers to clear Lafayette Square near the White House on June 1 just before Mr. Trump’s widely criticized photo op in front of a nearby church.

He annoyed some White House officials when he said the Secret Service had earlier ordered Mr. Trump to shelter in the building’s bunker because of the threat of violence from protesters. That contradicted Mr. Trump’s explanation that he was merely inspecting the bunker, not seeking protection.

And Mr. Trump distanced himself almost immediately from his and Mr. Barr’s decision last week to fire Geoffrey S. Berman as the top federal prosecutor in Manhattan, even though he had discussed the move with Mr. Barr and a possible successor to Mr. Berman, according to two people briefed on the deliberations.

Mr. Barr asked Mr. Berman to leave on Friday afternoon, and he announced the prosecutor’s resignation on Friday night after Mr. Berman refused to go, essentially firing him in public. Mr. Berman then publicly declared that he was not going anywhere. Facing a public relations debacle and legal constraints that made it difficult for Mr. Barr to get rid of Mr. Berman, the attorney general was forced to ask the president to step in and officially fire him.

But soon after Senator Lindsey Graham, Republican of South Carolina and the chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, suggested he would not merely rubber-stamp an administration nominee to replace Mr. Berman, Mr. Trump backed away from the whole affair.

“We spent very little time, we spent very little time talking about it,” he told Fox News on Saturday. “But the president has to sign a document or I guess give the OK.”

The result was that Mr. Barr looked as though he had acted without the full backing of the president. He also ended up agreeing to install Mr. Berman’s deputy, Audrey Strauss, as the acting U.S. attorney instead of his preferred pick, Craig Carpenito, now the top federal prosecutor for New Jersey.

“As attempted power plays go, this was an abject failure and served only to further undermine the credibility of both the attorney general and the president,” said Greg Brower, a former federal prosecutor who once headed the F.B.I.’s congressional affairs office.

A Justice Department spokeswoman declined to comment for this article.

Even when a judge made favorable statements about the possibility of a legal victory for Mr. Trump this month, it was eclipsed by the Berman debacle. A federal judge ruled that the former national security adviser John R. Bolton may be in jeopardy of forfeiting his $2 million advance or even be prosecuted for failing to scrub classified information out of his new book, as Justice Department lawyers had argued that he was legally required to do.

But the judge refused to order copies of the political memoir seized, noting that more than 200,000 of them were already in the hands of booksellers by the time the department acted. The reasons the department filed so long after the books had been distributed to booksellers are not clear, but days before the judge ruled, the department’s division that was handling the case suddenly found itself rudderless.

Joseph H. Hunt, the chief of the civil division, suddenly resigned without even informing Mr. Barr, who had sometimes bypassed him to deal directly with his deputies. Mr. Barr’s penchant for closely managing his staff and impatience with what he sees as too much deliberation have grown in recent weeks, according to department employees who have sat in on meetings with him.

Mr. Hunt’s departure also seemed to emphasize the risks of handling cases involving Mr. Trump’s associates in Mr. Barr’s Justice Department. Other federal prosecutors have either resigned or withdrawn from criminal prosecutions of Mr. Trump’s former aides after Mr. Barr intervened to drop charges or seek lighter punishment.

ImageWestlake Legal Group merlin_173122887_e716f72e-b2f9-4db8-9f6b-1f8278d2bce6-articleLarge For Barr, Standoff With Prosecutor Adds to String of Miscues United States Politics and Government United States Attorneys Trump, Donald J Manhattan (NYC) Lafayette Square (Washington, DC) Justice Department Hunt, Joseph H George Floyd Protests (2020) Berman, Geoffrey S Barr, William P Attorneys General Appointments and Executive Changes
Credit…Doug Mills/The New York Times

The month began with a blast of criticism over the law enforcement response to the protests outside the White House that began May 29 over the death of George Floyd, a black man in Minneapolis who died after a white police officer pressed his knee into his neck for nearly nine minutes.

While the protest was largely peaceful, some demonstrators threw bricks at the Secret Service, others defaced the Treasury Department building next to the White House with graffiti and several broke through a police barricade before being arrested. Just before Mr. Trump set out across Lafayette Square to hold a bible in front of St. John’s Church on June 1, law enforcement officials fired a chemical irritant at the crowd to clear the area.

Mr. Barr played a far more critical role in the law enforcement response than was initially understood, essentially assuming battlefield control over a hodgepodge of security forces in Washington for days from a command center he set up, according to people who received briefings inside the center. He was effectively the general overseeing the operation that allowed the president his photo op.

As criticism deepened over the havoc surrounding the photo op, Mr. Barr insisted that he took charge because the protest was turning violent and had to be brought under control — not to set up a publicity stunt. But his presence at Mr. Trump’s side that day made him look less like a commander of officers and more like a presidential prop, a situation he privately said made him uncomfortable, according to two people told of those conversations.

In a June 5 interview with The Associated Press, the attorney general gave a hairsplitting description of his role in directing the law enforcement actions. He never issued a “tactical command” to clear the protesters from Lafayette Square, he said, but his attitude was that officers needed to “get it done.”

Mr. Barr also insisted two days later in an interview with CBS’s “Face the Nation” that both he and Defense Secretary Mark T. Esper agreed that as a last resort, the president could invoke the Insurrection Act allowing him to deploy active-duty troops to control protests around the nation, a notion that Mr. Esper had previously seemed to disavow.

Credit…Hiroko Masuike/The New York Times

That controversy was still fresh when the Justice Department, under pressure from a federal lawsuit, released some passages last week that Mr. Barr and his aides had previously redacted from the 2019 public report by the special counsel, Robert S. Mueller III, about Russian interference in the 2016 election.

Although Mr. Barr has aggressively challenged the basis for that whole inquiry and defended the president, the newly disclosed text showed that prosecutors questioned whether Mr. Trump was telling them the truth in written answers to their questions.

The situation with Mr. Berman, the top prosecutor for the Southern District of New York, again raised the question of whether Mr. Barr was bending over backward to protect the president. A Republican, Mr. Berman pursued a string of cases that have rankled Mr. Trump, including an investigation of hush payments to a woman whose allegations that she had an affair with him threatened to derail his 2016 campaign.

Mr. Berman also obtained an indictment of a state-owned bank in Turkey with political connections that had drawn the president’s attention. In his book, Mr. Bolton wrote that Mr. Trump had promised President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey in 2018 that he would intervene in the inquiry against the bank for violating sanctions against Iran. Multiple people close to both Mr. Berman and Mr. Barr said both men felt that charges needed to be brought, but that they clashed over questions of law and strategy.

Prosecutors under Mr. Berman were scrutinizing whether the president’s personal lawyer Rudolph W. Giuliani violated laws on lobbying for foreign entities in his efforts to dig up damaging information in Ukraine on the president’s political rivals. If the Trump administration was hoping to exert political pressure to derail that investigation, some former prosecutors said, firing Mr. Berman appears to have backfired.

“The Berman situation was mishandled both procedurally and substantively,” said Mr. Brower, the former federal prosecutor and senior F.B.I. official. “The Southern District of New York continues to investigate whatever it is investigating, and Barr’s preferred new United States attorney doesn’t actually get the job.”

Maggie Haberman contributed reporting from New York.

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What’s Facebook’s Deal With Donald Trump?

Westlake Legal Group whats-facebooks-deal-with-donald-trump What’s Facebook’s Deal With Donald Trump? Zuckerberg, Mark E Warren, Elizabeth United States Politics and Government Trump, Donald J Thiel, Peter A Social Media Sandberg, Sheryl K Republican Party Regulation and Deregulation of Industry Political Advertising Online Advertising McNamee, Roger Kushner, Jared Kaplan, Joel D Justice Department Instagram Inc Google Inc Facebook Inc Democratic Party Biden, Joseph R Jr Antitrust Laws and Competition Issues

Last Nov. 20, NBC News broke the news that Mark Zuckerberg, Donald Trump and a Facebook board member, Peter Thiel, had dined together at the White House the previous month. “It is unclear why the meeting was not made public or what Trump, Zuckerberg and Thiel discussed,” the report said.

That was it. Nothing else has emerged since. Not the date, not who arranged the menu, the venue, the seating, not the full guest list. And not whether some kind of deal got done between two of the most powerful men in the world. The news cycle moved on, and the dinner became one of the unsolved mysteries of American power.

But I was able to pry some of those details loose last week from White House officials along with current and former senior Facebook employees and people they speak to. Most said they would only talk on the condition their names not be used, since the company is not eager to call attention to Mr. Zuckerberg’s relationship with the president.

Their accounts painted a picture of an unusual gathering — something in between a high-stakes state dinner between the leaders of uneasily allied superpowers and the awkward rehearsal dinner before a marriage that has both families a little rattled.

Mr. Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner, pulled together the dinner on Oct. 22 on short notice after he learned that Mr. Zuckerberg, the Facebook founder, and his wife, Priscilla Chan, would be in Washington for a cryptocurrency hearing on Capitol Hill, a person familiar with the planning said. The dinner, the person said, took place in the Blue Room on the first floor of the White House. The guest list included Mr. Thiel, a Trump supporter, and his husband, Matt Danzeisen; Melania Trump; Mr. Kushner; and Ivanka Trump. The president, a person who has spoken to Mr. Zuckerberg said, did most of the talking. The atmosphere was convivial, another person who got an account of the dinner said. Mr. Trump likes billionaires and likes people who are useful to him, and Mr. Zuckerberg right now is both.

But looming over the private dinner is a question: Did Mr. Trump and Mr. Zuckerberg reach some kind of accommodation? Mr. Zuckerberg needs, and appears to be getting, a pass both on angry tweets from the president and the serious threats of lawsuits and regulation that face other big tech companies. Mr. Trump needs access to Facebook’s advertising platform and its viral power.

Both men are getting what they want, and it’s fair to wonder whether this is a mere alignment of interests or something more.

“I believe they have a deal,” said Roger McNamee, an early Facebook investor who is now a fierce critic, who added that it was “probably implied rather than explicit.”

ImageWestlake Legal Group 21BENSMITH-02-articleLarge What’s Facebook’s Deal With Donald Trump? Zuckerberg, Mark E Warren, Elizabeth United States Politics and Government Trump, Donald J Thiel, Peter A Social Media Sandberg, Sheryl K Republican Party Regulation and Deregulation of Industry Political Advertising Online Advertising McNamee, Roger Kushner, Jared Kaplan, Joel D Justice Department Instagram Inc Google Inc Facebook Inc Democratic Party Biden, Joseph R Jr Antitrust Laws and Competition Issues
Credit…Callaghan O’Hare/Bloomberg

“Mark’s deal with Trump is highly utilitarian,” he said. “It’s basically about getting free rein and protection from regulation. Trump needs Facebook’s thumb on the scale to win this election.”

Jesse Lehrich, the co-founder of Accountable Tech, a new nonprofit group pushing Facebook to tighten controls on its platform, suggested that the two men have a tacit nonaggression pact. “Trump can rage at Big Tech and Mark can say he’s disgusted by Trump’s posts, but at the end of the day the status quo serves both of their interests,” Mr. Lehrich said.

Officials at Facebook and in the administration scoff at the notion that there is some kind of secret pact. And it’s hard to imagine that anyone — certainly not Mr. Zuckerberg — would be dumb enough to make a secret deal with a president known for keeping neither secrets nor deals.

Mr. Trump and Mr. Zuckerberg had met just once before the dinner, an Oval Office encounter last September. Afterward, the president boasted about his giant following on the platform. But October was a hot political month at Facebook: Mr. Zuckerberg was in an open battle with a leading Democratic presidential candidate, Senator Elizabeth Warren, who was threatening to break up Facebook and whom he called “an existential threat” to the company. The morning of their dinner, a top British official demanded answers on why Facebook would tolerate false political advertising.

Mr. Zuckerberg, a Facebook executive said, seems to view Mr. Trump as a peer. By contrast, he told amused top aides at one of his regular Monday meetings in March that Mr. Kushner was calling him so often about help with the administration’s coronavirus response that he couldn’t keep up, two people familiar with the meeting said. (“Mark does not think of himself as a peer to this president or any president,” a Facebook spokesman, Tucker Bounds, said, adding that Mr. Zuckerberg had initiated the conversation with Mr. Kushner about the coronavirus response.)

Mr. Zuckerberg has played the high-stakes and unpredictable politics of the Trump years as well as any other corporate executive. And a week before the dinner last October, he made clear in a speech that his interests and the president’s aligned: Mr. Zuckerberg would reject a growing movement to limit the false or inflammatory statements of the American president.

“I don’t think it’s right for a private company to censor politicians or the news in a democracy,” he said in the address at Georgetown University on Oct. 17. “We don’t do this to help politicians, but because we think people should be able to see for themselves what politicians are saying.”

Mr. Trump, for his part, has been notably softer on Facebook than on Amazon, Google, Twitter or Netflix at a moment when his regulatory apparatus often focuses on the political enemies he identifies in tweets.

Credit…Pool photo by Doug Mills

Still Facebook, like other tech giants, finds itself in a political bind: Democrats hate and distrust them because they spread right-wing misinformation and helped elect Donald Trump; Republicans hate and distrust them because they’re run by California liberals and delete some right-wing speech. But Facebook has avoided that trap deftly over the last three and a half years, by moving faster and more earnestly than its competitors to mollify conservatives.

Facebook has always had a keener ear to the right side of Washington than much of Silicon Valley, directed in part by Joel Kaplan, a Zuckerberg friend and former Bush administration official who is Facebook’s vice president of global public policy. But it began focusing intently on winning over the conservative media in the spring of 2016, when Gizmodo alleged that the content moderation on the short-lived Trending Topics product on Facebook “suppressed conservative news.” A right-wing apparatus that had spent decades claiming bias in the media turned its sights on the tech giant. And Mr. Zuckerberg gave them the response they’d always hoped for — he shut down the product, welcomed his critics to meetings and signaled that he shared their concerns.

The next year, Mr. Trump continued to push the norms of truth and civility, and the social media platforms began reckoning with their broader misinformation and harassment problem. That set him on an inevitable — and to his supporters, welcome — collision course with the new gatekeepers. Mr. Trump’s dependence on Facebook as an advertising vehicle — he spent $44 million on the platform in 2016, and is expected to far exceed that this year — means that he needs the company as much as it needs him. And, as Mike Isaac, Sheera Frenkel, and Cecilia Kang reported in May, Mr. Zuckerberg increasingly embodies his company.

So Mr. Zuckerberg’s warm relationship with the president and his family is a victory for the company’s internal policy team led by Mr. Kaplan. But the company, people involved in its political strategy say, has been having an internal debate over balancing the reality of Republican control of regulatory agencies with the fact that Democrats are far more likely, in the long run, to actually push through new oversight or try to break up the company by forcing the sale of Instagram or WhatsApp. The balance, in the Trump years, has shifted right. Sheryl Sandberg, a leading Democrat and Mr. Zuckerberg’s powerful deputy, has seen her connections with Democrats fray as the company defies them and her power in the company fades as well.

Credit…Dominic Lipinski/Press Association, via Associated Press

Mr. Trump’s administration has reciprocated. The Justice Department is currently conducting antitrust investigations of the tech giants. But while Google and Amazon face “mature investigations,” the Facebook inquiry is “not real at all,” a person who has been briefed on the investigation said. And Facebook has acted like a company with no worries in Washington. It has continued to acquire companies, as Mr. Isaac reported last week, and moved to allow users to send messages between Messenger, WhatsApp and Instagram — a merging of the services that could further fuel monopoly concerns. (Facebook’s view is that it’s far less dominant in any market than the other big tech companies and has less to worry about than Google or Amazon.)

The summer of 2020 is one of those moments when corporate Washington starts to panic. What had looked like deft Trump-era politics now looks like exposure and risk. Top Democrats, including Joseph R. Biden Jr. and Nancy Pelosi — who was infuriated when a distorted video of her went viral — have singled out Facebook as a bad actor. Mr. Trump is, at the moment, viewed by Washington’s insider class as likely to lose in November, though Mr. Biden poses less of a threat to Facebook than Senator Warren would have.

While executives across Facebook insist that Mr. Zuckerberg’s position on free speech on the platform is a matter of long-term planning and principle, not political expediency, his political team also recognizes that they are badly out of position for a Democratic administration. And in recent days, Facebook has been eager to show its independence from the White House. The company has been unhesitatingly enforcing existing policy against Mr. Trump’s posts, and has been quick to point it out to the media, as it did last Thursday, when a Trump ad used a symbol associated with Nazi Germany.

Mr. Zuckerberg has not budged, however, on his core insistence that Mr. Trump should be able to say what he wants on the platform, and most of what he wants in ads — including false statements, as long as they aren’t misleading on specific, narrow topics, like the census. But he did reportedly tell Mr. Trump that he objected, personally, to Mr. Trump’s warning that “when the looting starts, the shooting starts.” And he and Ms. Chan wrote to scientists funded by their nonprofit organization that they were “deeply shaken and disgusted by President Trump’s divisive and incendiary rhetoric.”

Those gestures may have appeased Facebook’s work force, but they’ve gone largely unnoticed in Washington.

“All the big companies tacked to the right after Trump won, and Facebook probably moved farther than the others,” said Nu Wexler, a Democrat who worked in policy communications for Facebook in Washington. “But the politics of tech are changing, and companies should be worried about Democrats as well. The days of just keeping the president happy are over.”

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