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Westlake Legal Group > Posts tagged "Trump, Donald J" (Page 197)

Pence Staying at Trump Property in Ireland at Trump’s ‘Suggestion,’ Aide Says

Westlake Legal Group 03dc-pence-facebookJumbo Pence Staying at Trump Property in Ireland at Trump’s ‘Suggestion,’ Aide Says United States Politics and Government Trump, Donald J Politics and Government Pence, Mike ireland Hotels and Travel Lodgings

WASHINGTON — On the last leg of a European trip, Vice President Mike Pence is scheduled for two days of meetings in Dublin, but he is staying on the other side of Ireland in Doonbeg at a private golf club owned by President Trump.

It was Mr. Trump who made the “suggestion” that Mr. Pence, his family and his entourage stay at the Trump International Golf Links & Hotel Doonbeg, Marc Short, an aide to Mr. Pence, said on Tuesday.

Mr. Pence has family roots in Doonbeg and is traveling with his wife, his mother and his sister. They were originally set to end their trip in Doonbeg, but the schedule was rejiggered after Mr. Trump directed Mr. Pence to stand in for him as an emissary on an official trip to Poland. On Thursday, Mr. Pence is scheduled to meet with Prime Minister Boris Johnson in London.

Mr. Trump canceled his Poland trip, citing the need to monitor Hurricane Dorian. He also traveled to his Virginia golf course throughout the weekend, and was spotted playing a round on Monday.

Mr. Short said in an interview that Mr. Pence was personally covering his family’s expenses at Doonbeg. Still, the coterie of Secret Service and other members of the vice president’s traveling party staying there will mean a substantial bill paid by taxpayers.

“I don’t think it was a request, like a command,” Mr. Short told reporters traveling with the vice president. “I think that it was a suggestion.”

He added: “It’s like when we went through the trip, it’s like, well, he’s going to Doonbeg because that’s where the Pence family is from. It’s like, ‘Well, you should stay at my place.’”

Mr. Short said that Doonbeg was the one venue that could accommodate the Secret Service, which protected the club this year when Mr. Trump stayed there on an official visit to Ireland.

Since he took office, Mr. Trump has repeatedly blended his private business with government expenditures. Republicans and the president’s campaign have held fund-raisers at the Trump International Hotel in Washington. His clubs make money from taxpayers when the Secret Service and government officials stay there. And during the transition period, the inaugural committee — which was funded by private dollars — spent $1.5 million at the Trump hotel in Washington.

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Manchin Won’t Run for West Virginia Governor; Will Stay in Senate

Westlake Legal Group 03dc-manchin-facebookJumbo Manchin Won’t Run for West Virginia Governor; Will Stay in Senate west virginia Trump, Donald J Senate Politics and Government Manchin, Joe III Elections, Senate Democratic Party

WASHINGTON — Senator Joe Manchin III announced Tuesday that he will not run for governor in his home state of West Virginia, ending speculation about the future of one of the Senate’s few moderate Democrats.

“Those who know me know how much I loved being the governor of West Virginia,” Mr. Manchin said in a statement. “I worked the daylights out of that job. I couldn’t wait to wake up in the Governor’s Mansion in the morning, and I didn’t want to go to bed at night, because there was always more that I could do for our state.”

But he said he could not make a decision based on what job he liked most, but rather on where he could be most useful. “Ultimately, I believe my role as U.S. senator allows me to position our state for success for the rest of this century,” he said, by working on issues like jobs, energy and the environment.

Mr. Manchin, who served as governor from 2001 to 2005, has made no secret of his dislike for the Senate. At the outset of 2018, he was flirting with retirement, and had repeatedly expressed his frustration to Senator Chuck Schumer, the Democratic leader, telling him at one point, “this place sucks.” He has long said he preferred being governor.

Mr. Manchin has also been extremely critical of Gov. Jim Justice of West Virginia, a Trump-like Republican who ran as a Democrat but later switched parties at Mr. Trump’s urging. Last year, Mr. Justice fired Mr. Manchin’s wife, Gayle, from her position as West Virginia Secretary for Education and the Arts.

The decision announced Tuesday was so last minute that Mr. Manchin’s communications director, Jonathan Kott, said he wrote up two statements — and so secretive that Mr. Kott did not know before the announcement which one Mr. Manchin would use.

Mr. Manchin is a rare breed in the Senate: a moderate Democrat, the only one outside of Senator Doug Jones of Alabama. When he won re-election in 2018, he was the sole survivor of a trio of incumbent moderates who were running that year. Two others — Joe Donnelly of Indiana and Heidi Heitkamp of North Dakota — lost their races.

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President Trump, Weatherman: Dorian Updates and at Least 122 Tweets

Westlake Legal Group merlin_160056105_e2af8520-c43d-46fd-8e62-67dc89b7011a-facebookJumbo President Trump, Weatherman: Dorian Updates and at Least 122 Tweets United States Politics and Government Trump, Donald J Hurricanes and Tropical Storms Hurricane Dorian (2019)

WASHINGTON — Over the long weekend, President Trump monitored Hurricane Dorian from a golf cart at his club in Virginia, calling for regular updates from an aide trailing him around the course. By 8 p.m. Monday, as Dorian churned toward Florida and Mr. Trump’s boarded-up Mar-a-Lago resort, the president had golfed twice and since Saturday morning pelted the American public with 122 tweets.

As he has done during other hurricanes, Mr. Trump awaited landfall by assuming the role of meteorologist-in-chief, adding weatherman-style updates to a usual weekend routine of attacking his enemies, retweeting bits of praise and critiquing the performance of his cable news allies.

Starting with his first weekend tweet at 7:45 a.m. Saturday, Mr. Trump’s Dorian-related tweets were delivered with the speed of a hailstorm. His two messages about a mass shooting in Texas on Saturday, for example, quickly sank to the bottom of a murky Twitter morass clogged with presidential forecasts.

With his reality-show approach to the presidency, Mr. Trump has a habit of weighing in on the day’s most-covered news stories with his own running commentary. As Dorian approached, Mr. Trump switched into town-crier mode, updating the public on what he had learned — or, what he thought he’d learned — from government officials as Dorian threatened the coast of the state of Florida, where he has owned property for decades.

“In addition to Florida — South Carolina, North Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama, will most likely be hit (much) harder than anticipated,” Mr. Trump wrote in a tweet shortly after departing Camp David for Washington on Sunday morning. “Looking like one of the largest hurricanes ever. Already category 5. BE CAREFUL! GOD BLESS EVERYONE!”

Mr. Trump’s commentary on the hurricane was not wholly accurate. The National Weather Service quickly walked back one of his assertions: “We repeat, no impacts from Hurricane Dorian will be felt across Alabama,” officials said on Twitter.

Always eager to have the last word, Mr. Trump on Monday attacked an ABC reporter who said the president had wrongly inserted Alabama in the list of states.

“Always good to be prepared!” Mr. Trump wrote by way of explanation.

But the president’s concern for Florida, a state of political and personal importance to him, did not seem to waver going into the weekend. On Friday, he took questions from reporters about the ability of Mar-a-Lago, his Palm Beach, Fla., estate, to withstand the winds.

“Yeah, it would look like Mar-a-Lago is dead center,” Mr. Trump said. “But, look, Mar-a-Lago can handle itself. That’s a very powerful place.”

As Dorian grew in size and strength, Mr. Trump appeared to marvel at the storm’s sheer capacity for devastation: “Being hit like never before, Category 5. Almost 200 MPH winds,” the president tweeted on Sunday. Earlier, during a hurricane briefing at the Federal Emergency Management Agency headquarters, Mr. Trump expressed disbelief bordering on reverence for Dorian’s Category 5 status, the highest degree measured by meteorologists on the Saffir-Simpson hurricane wind scale.

“A Category 5 is something that I don’t know that I’ve even heard the term, other than I know it’s there. That’s the ultimate.”

Curiously, Mr. Trump has claimed before that neither he nor weather experts had ever heard of or experienced a Category 5. He was speaking specifically about Hurricane Irma in Florida and Hurricane Maria in Puerto Rico, both in September 2017, and both classified as Category 5.

The Capital Weather Gang, a group of weather experts at The Washington Post, took issue on Monday with Mr. Trump’s remarks.

“Although it might seem like a harmless curiosity or blind spot, Trump’s self-professed ignorance of Category 5 monsters could slow the government’s response to such disasters,” an editor, Andrew Freedman, wrote, “or contribute to confusion at the highest levels of government as well as among people in harm’s way.”

The White House did not immediately respond to a request for comment on Monday about Mr. Trump’s knowledge of Category 5 storms, or about Mr. Trump’s preparation efforts in general.

Mr. Trump, like other occupants of the Oval Office, appears to understand that national weather catastrophes demand White House attention and can damage a presidency if not handled well. Julian E. Zelizer, a presidential historian, pointed out that presidents have generally fallen into two categories: those who can transcend politics to speak to an entire nation when a storm threatens, and those who have foundered.

Mr. Zelizer said that President Lyndon B. Johnson had set a modern precedent for storm response in 1964 when he visited with victims of Hurricane Betsy, a Category 4 storm that killed 75 people in New Orleans. Stunned by what he saw on the ground, and declaring that “red tape be cut,” Mr. Johnson personally oversaw the recovery operation.

President George W. Bush, on the other hand, called criticism of his administration’s slow-moving response to Hurricane Katrina, a Category 5 storm that killed more than 1,833 people in New Orleans, one of the worst moments of his presidency.

“Trump is a different category,” Mr. Zelizer said in an interview, “in that it’s not even that he’s not doing enough or the right thing. It’s almost as if he doesn’t want this role at all, and he has no interest in stopping his traditional, normal tweet storms.”

True to form, Mr. Trump created his own mini-tsumani of content as the storm drew nearer. Inside the White House, Mr. Trump’s aides say that this behavior represents an accessible, transparent and interested president using his platform to send important updates directly to the American people.

But then there’s what that actually looks like in practice: dozens of updates about the storm, both in person and on Twitter, but mixed in with comments about the trade war with China, his annoyance with the actress Debra Messing and ever more complaints about the F.B.I. director he fired, James Comey.

In several of his updates, Mr. Trump personally assured the communities in several states vulnerable to Hurricane Dorian that help would be on the way should they need it.

In the days before Dorian made landfall, Mr. Trump filmed and distributed a video from the White House Rose Garden in which he again remarked on the size and strength of the storm. The video continued a tradition from last September, when Mr. Trump decided to comment on Hurricane Florence as the storm approached the Carolinas.

In a video, he called that storm, a Category 4, “one of the wettest we’ve ever seen, from the standpoint of water.”

This time, his commentary on Dorian — which he called an “absolute monster” — was similarly matter-of-fact and very nearly awe-struck.

“It may be that you’re going to evacuate,” Mr. Trump said into the camera as images of the storm were interspersed into the video. “We’re going to see what happens. We’re waiting. It does seem almost certain that it’s hitting dead center.”

He paused before continuing with his forecast: “And that’s not good.”

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

In Republican-Leaning Districts, Lawmakers Shy Away From Broaching Impeachment

HOWELL, Mich. — The message printed on a pair of handmade wood-and-cardboard placards could not have been clearer as Representative Elissa Slotkin gazed out on a crowd of about 300 of her constituents who gathered for a town hall-style meeting to discuss their biggest concerns: “IMPEACHMENT INQUIRY NOW.”

“I just want her to know that some of her constituents are there,” said Patricia Onelio, 61, who staked out seats with her husband in the front row, determined for their demands to be seen by their congresswoman, a Democrat in a Republican-leaning district who has resisted calls to impeach President Trump. “He gets more emboldened by the minute, so I just think it’s important for us to show up and let her know where we stand.”

Here in this town about an hour northwest of Detroit that Mr. Trump carried by seven points in 2016, and in similar districts throughout the country where Democratic victories last year handed the party control of the House, lawmakers like Ms. Slotkin hardly need the reminder.

But while attendees had scrawled enough questions about impeachment on the index cards provided that the moderator immediately raised the topic, and returned to it a second time, there was little pushback to Ms. Slotkin’s wait-and-see approach.

“I want to be very honest, that I believe impeachment is a very big step — I believe it is something that should not be taken lightly — and it has to be something where we bring people along,” she said. If the Trump administration fails to respond to the many subpoenas that have been issued by the Judiciary Committee, she added, “we may be in a different world.”

ImageWestlake Legal Group merlin_159897885_ec4ee834-1cd0-4aec-b4f8-0f884a75c4e8-articleLarge In Republican-Leaning Districts, Lawmakers Shy Away From Broaching Impeachment United States Politics and Government Trump, Donald J Senate Pelosi, Nancy impeachment Horn, Kendra Elections, House of Representatives

Ms. Slotkin’s constituents brought signs that read, in all capital letters, “Impeachment Inquiry Now.”CreditBrittany Greeson for The New York Times

Despite the efforts of pro-impeachment activist groups to transform August into a Tea Party-style series of grass-roots revolts that might force Democrats of all stripes to throw their support behind impeachment, the groundswell has yet to reach this politically crucial group of lawmakers in Republican-leaning districts. Instead, they are staying cautious and, in some cases, even trying to avoid mentioning the word, and many of their constituents — even impeachment supporters — appear willing, at least for now, to tolerate that reluctance.

In more than two dozen interviews in districts like these in three states over the past week, some voters said they wished their representative in Congress would hurry up and endorse an impeachment inquiry in order to send an unmistakable signal that Mr. Trump’s actions were illegal and unacceptable. But most were either strongly opposed or said they understood the reluctance to set the process in motion, given the degree to which it could divide the country, the likelihood of failure given Republican control of the Senate and the political stakes for their representatives if they backed it.

“The main issue is letting it play out in the 2020 election,” said Blaise Molitoris, Ms. Onelio’s sign-toting husband, who called Ms. Slotkin’s circumspection“fair” and said he understood her stance despite his own eagerness to see Mr. Trump impeached. “It’s not good for the country — just the divisiveness — but leaving it as is and not holding the president accountable for his actions just can’t stand in my book.”

To be sure, many Democrats in districts around the country have confronted strident calls from constituents over their six-week August vacation to endorse impeachment, and some of them have heeded the message. One hundred and thirty Democrats now support impeaching Mr. Trump, a number that has grown in the weeks since the recess began. A coalition of progressive groups has mounted a campaign — called “Impeachment August” — to use the break to try to win over converts, texting 280,000 constituents in more than 70 congressional districts to notify them about lawmakers’ events and encourage constituents to show up and demand it.

At an event near Pittsburgh, constituents pressed Representative Conor Lamb about impeaching Mr. Trump, asking why he was “lagging behind” his colleagues on the issue, according to a report by the local NPR affiliate. Representative Andy Kim was heckled during a gathering last month in Riverside, N.J., with shouts of “Do your job” and “Why’s it taking so long — I want him gone!” according to local news reports.

In an interview after an event in Forked River, N.J., Representative Andy Kim, Democrat of New Jersey, was careful never to utter the word “impeachment” even as he was asked about it.CreditBryan Anselm for The New York Times

But in an interview last week, Mr. Kim said he was hearing far more from his constituents about gun safety, the economy and health care as well as local issues. During a 90-minute town hall-style meeting Thursday evening that Mr. Kim held in a middle school cafeteria in Forked River, attendees stuck to the topic advertised — the dismantling of a nearby nuclear plant, which has generated controversy among residents — and there was not a single question or interruption about impeachment.

“These are not issues that can wait till the next election; I mean, this is happening right now,” Mr. Kim said in an interview after the session, careful never to utter the word “impeachment” even as he was asked about it. “I’ve seen what happens when we have just massive gridlock in Washington, and how it just paralyzes everything else that we do. So, you know, I worry about that side of things. I want to make sure we can keep delivering on health care and other issues.”

Activists who showed up with signs supporting the Democratic plan for a single-payer, government-backed health care system known as “Medicare for All” said they also favored impeaching the president. But they had not come to bend Mr. Kim’s ear on that.

“My point of view is Medicare for all and the Green New Deal are 10 times more important,” said Tom Cannavo, 59, a retired prosecutor from Beachwood, N.J.

It is a sentiment that resonates with Speaker Nancy Pelosi, who has staunchly refused to rush into an impeachment proceeding she says neither Congress nor the country is ready to pursue, in part out of concern for the political fortunes of lawmakers in districts like these whose constituents are not clamoring for the move. In a conference call with her caucus in recent weeks, Ms. Pelosi said the public “isn’t there on impeachment,” adding that Democrats have to balance “our responsibility to protect and defend the Constitution, and to be unifying and not dividing.”

Representative Kendra Horn, Democrat of Oklahoma, at a town hall-style meeting last week, faced questions about veterans’ issues and pharmaceutical costs rather than impeachment.CreditJoseph Rushmore for The New York Times

In Oklahoma City, where voters helped elect Representative Kendra Horn as the first Democrat to represent the state’s Fifth District in nearly half a century, at least one of her events last week was targeted by activists, as Mr. Kim’s and Ms. Slotkin’s were, as part of “Impeachment August,” in a bid to encourage activists to show up and pressure the lawmakers to endorse the step.

But on Wednesday, as guests of the Northwest Oklahoma City Chamber asked Ms. Horn questions over plates of pasta and glasses of iced tea, no one raised the topic. Instead, a veteran rose to press about support for veterans in the community. Another man, his breathing tube in one hand, asked about efforts to control pharmaceutical costs. An immigration advocate wanted to know about the potential for moving forward with immigration overhaul.

“Impeachment would not be good in this district,” said Peter G. Pierce III, 69, who had asked about prescription drugs. A Democratic supporter of Ms. Horn, he said he would prefer to get rid of Mr. Trump “the old-fashioned way, and vote him out.”

“You don’t wound the king,” he added, “you kill him.”

Ms. Horn, without mentioning the “i” word in an interview on Thursday, said the forum was typical of what she had heard from voters across her Republican-leaning district — and what she had not.

“People are asking me what we can do about my student loans. ‘How can we get a doctor in our community?’” she said. “These are the things that can literally make a difference in somebody’s life on a day-to-day basis.”

“We’ve got to talk about and do the work that matters to people,” she said.

In a district where Mr. Trump won by nearly 14 percent, many voters are wary of the consequences of an impeachment inquiry.

“If they were able to get it through, would it set a precedent for future administrations that instead of working the problems out, we impeach?” asked Marvin Hazel, an Oklahoma City pastor and an independent who voted for Mr. Trump in 2016 and is a fan of Ms. Horn. “That would be a bad precedent to start.”

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‘I Am on My Way to Being Very Well,’ Justice Ginsburg Tells Thousands of Fans

Westlake Legal Group merlin_160000092_272764d6-43e2-4cbb-909f-a12a24428ef7-facebookJumbo ‘I Am on My Way to Being Very Well,’ Justice Ginsburg Tells Thousands of Fans Trump, Donald J Supreme Court (US) Pancreatic Cancer Pancreas Ginsburg, Ruth Bader cancer

WASHINGTON — “How am I feeling?” Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg asked on Saturday, articulating the question on the minds of nervous liberals and many of the 4,000 people who had stood in line for hours to see her interviewed in a cavernous convention center.

“This audience can see,” she said, “that I am alive.” The statement was greeted with thunderous applause. “And I am on my way to being very well,” she added as the room quieted down.

Justice Ginsburg was assisted as she climbed the stairs to the stage, at a book festival sponsored by the Library of Congress. But she was relaxed, alert and cheerful in discussing her life and work.

The interview was part of a remarkably busy public schedule for Justice Ginsburg after the Supreme Court announced last week that she had been treated for pancreatic cancer. The appearances have given liberals hope that she will remain on the court longer than President Trump will be in the White House, allowing a Democrat to name her successor.

Justice Ginsburg, 86, was in Buffalo on Monday to receive an honorary degree. She is scheduled to be in North Little Rock, Ark., on Tuesday. Demand for tickets was so high that the event was moved to a sports arena with a capacity of about 18,000.

Nina Totenberg, the NPR correspondent who interviewed Justice Ginsburg on Saturday, said there were another 16,000 people on the waiting list for her appearance in Arkansas.

Over the next three weeks, Justice Ginsburg will also appear in Raleigh, N.C., Chicago, twice in New York and again in Washington.

The appearances tend to follow a pattern: a standing ovation from an adoring crowd, followed by questioning from a sympathetic interviewer. Justice Ginsburg tells nicely honed anecdotes about her earlier career as a feminist professor and litigator, her marriage, the Supreme Court and the law. She lands a couple of jokes. She describes her unlikely friendship with Justice Antonin Scalia, who died in 2016.

But the tone was a little different on Saturday in light of her recent medical setback.

“I love my job,” she said. “It has kept me going through four cancer bouts. Instead of concentrating on my aches and pains, I just know that I have to read a set of briefs and go over a draft opinion. Somehow, I have to surmount whatever is going on in my body and concentrate on the court’s work.”

The latest string of public appearances was scheduled before the announcement that Justice Ginsburg had undergone three weeks of radiation treatment for a malignant tumor on her pancreas. “The tumor was treated definitively and there is no evidence of disease elsewhere in the body,” the court’s statement said.

This was Justice Ginsburg’s fourth brush with cancer, following surgery in December to remove two malignant nodules from her left lung, surgery for early-stage pancreatic cancer in 2009 and treatment for colon cancer in 1999.

Medical experts said the court’s statement about Justice Ginsburg’s recent tumor was vague enough to make it difficult to pinpoint her precise diagnosis, much less to speculate on how her disease might progress.

But most experts agreed that the tumor, described as a localized malignant tumor, was likely to have been a new lesion in the pancreas, rather than a recurrence of the earlier pancreatic cancer or a cancer from another organ that had spread.

Though surgery is typically the preferred treatment for a tumor in the pancreas, Justice Ginsburg appears to have chosen radiation, which is generally less disruptive. Surgery can be grueling and tough on someone of Justice Ginsburg’s age and health.

A stent was inserted in Justice Ginsburg’s bile duct, the court’s statement said, indicating that the tumor was in the head of the pancreas, according to experts. Surgery to remove that kind of tumor is a complex four- to 12-hour procedure with a high rate of complications and even death. It often leaves the patient with diabetes and entails a long recovery period.

“It’s a surgery we do often, but you’re in the hospital for a week, and you’d not be 100 percent yourself for six to eight weeks, and maybe three months,” said Dr. Daniel Labow, the chairman of surgical oncology at Mount Sinai Health System.

The type of radiation treatment Justice Ginsburg had, called stereotactic ablative radiation therapy, concentrates radiation on the tumor, limiting damage to the surrounding organs, and is generally less disruptive to patients’ lives.

Justice Ginsburg is loath to miss work or cut back on her public schedule. Despite her health setbacks over the years, she had never missed an argument in her 25 years on the court until January, when she was absent from the bench for two weeks after her lung surgery. She participated in the cases argued then by reading briefs and transcripts.

On Saturday, Justice Ginsburg discussed only one recent Supreme Court decision, the ruling in June that determined federal courts are powerless to address partisan gerrymandering, the practice of drawing voting districts to aid the party in power.

It was a 5-to-4 decision, and Justice Ginsburg and the other three liberal members of the court were in dissent. She denounced a practice that she called rigged elections. “That’s not the way a democracy should run,” she said.

Were Justice Ginsburg to leave the court during Mr. Trump’s first term, it would give him an opportunity to name a third justice. The last president to appoint more than two justices in his first term was Richard M. Nixon, who put four on the court from 1969 to 1972. Those appointments spelled the end of the liberal court that had been led by Chief Justice Earl Warren and created a conservative majority that remains to this day.

The current court is closely divided, with five Republican appointees and four Democratic ones. A third Trump appointee would not only make the balance more lopsided but would also almost certainly move the court’s ideological center to the right.

On Saturday, Justice Ginsburg seemed committed to staying on the job while marveling at her celebrity. “It’s amazing,” she said. “At the advanced age of 86, everyone wants to take a picture with me.”

Carla Hayden, the librarian of Congress, said she had been inclined to introduce the justice as “the Beyoncé of jurisprudence.” But Justice Ginsburg had a different idea, Ms. Hayden said, indicating a preference for “the J. Lo of jurisprudence.”

A little later, Justice Ginsburg described meeting Jennifer Lopez and Alex Rodriguez in her judicial chambers. She shared with the celebrity couple her mother-in-law’s secret for a happy marriage: “It helps sometimes to be a little deaf.”

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‘I Am on My Way to Being Very Well,’ Justice Ginsburg Tells Thousands of Fans

Westlake Legal Group merlin_160000092_272764d6-43e2-4cbb-909f-a12a24428ef7-facebookJumbo ‘I Am on My Way to Being Very Well,’ Justice Ginsburg Tells Thousands of Fans Trump, Donald J Supreme Court (US) Pancreatic Cancer Pancreas Ginsburg, Ruth Bader cancer

WASHINGTON — “How am I feeling?” Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg asked on Saturday, articulating the question on the minds of nervous liberals and many of the 4,000 people who had stood in line for hours to see her interviewed in a cavernous convention center.

“This audience can see,” she said, “that I am alive.” The statement was greeted with thunderous applause. “And I am on my way to being very well,” she added as the room quieted down.

Justice Ginsburg was assisted as she climbed the stairs to the stage, at a book festival sponsored by the Library of Congress. But she was relaxed, alert and cheerful in discussing her life and work.

The interview was part of a remarkably busy public schedule for Justice Ginsburg after the Supreme Court announced last week that she had been treated for pancreatic cancer. The appearances have given liberals hope that she will remain on the court longer than President Trump will be in the White House, allowing a Democrat to name her successor.

Justice Ginsburg, 86, was in Buffalo on Monday to receive an honorary degree. She is scheduled to be in North Little Rock, Ark., on Tuesday. Demand for tickets was so high that the event was moved to a sports arena with a capacity of about 18,000.

Nina Totenberg, the NPR correspondent who interviewed Justice Ginsburg on Saturday, said there were another 16,000 people on the waiting list for her appearance in Arkansas.

Over the next three weeks, Justice Ginsburg will also appear in Raleigh, N.C., Chicago, twice in New York and again in Washington.

The appearances tend to follow a pattern: a standing ovation from an adoring crowd, followed by questioning from a sympathetic interviewer. Justice Ginsburg tells nicely honed anecdotes about her earlier career as a feminist professor and litigator, her marriage, the Supreme Court and the law. She lands a couple of jokes. She describes her unlikely friendship with Justice Antonin Scalia, who died in 2016.

But the tone was a little different on Saturday in light of her recent medical setback.

“I love my job,” she said. “It has kept me going through four cancer bouts. Instead of concentrating on my aches and pains, I just know that I have to read a set of briefs and go over a draft opinion. Somehow, I have to surmount whatever is going on in my body and concentrate on the court’s work.”

The latest string of public appearances was scheduled before the announcement that Justice Ginsburg had undergone three weeks of radiation treatment for a malignant tumor on her pancreas. “The tumor was treated definitively and there is no evidence of disease elsewhere in the body,” the court’s statement said.

This was Justice Ginsburg’s fourth brush with cancer, following surgery in December to remove two malignant nodules from her left lung, surgery for early-stage pancreatic cancer in 2009 and treatment for colon cancer in 1999.

Medical experts said the court’s statement about Justice Ginsburg’s recent tumor was vague enough to make it difficult to pinpoint her precise diagnosis, much less to speculate on how her disease might progress.

But most experts agreed that the tumor, described as a localized malignant tumor, was likely to have been a new lesion in the pancreas, rather than a recurrence of the earlier pancreatic cancer or a cancer from another organ that had spread.

Though surgery is typically the preferred treatment for a tumor in the pancreas, Justice Ginsburg appears to have chosen radiation, which is generally less disruptive. Surgery can be grueling and tough on someone of Justice Ginsburg’s age and health.

A stent was inserted in Justice Ginsburg’s bile duct, the court’s statement said, indicating that the tumor was in the head of the pancreas, according to experts. Surgery to remove that kind of tumor is a complex four- to 12-hour procedure with a high rate of complications and even death. It often leaves the patient with diabetes and entails a long recovery period.

“It’s a surgery we do often, but you’re in the hospital for a week, and you’d not be 100 percent yourself for six to eight weeks, and maybe three months,” said Dr. Daniel Labow, the chairman of surgical oncology at Mount Sinai Health System.

The type of radiation treatment Justice Ginsburg had, called stereotactic ablative radiation therapy, concentrates radiation on the tumor, limiting damage to the surrounding organs, and is generally less disruptive to patients’ lives.

Justice Ginsburg is loath to miss work or cut back on her public schedule. Despite her health setbacks over the years, she had never missed an argument in her 25 years on the court until January, when she was absent from the bench for two weeks after her lung surgery. She participated in the cases argued then by reading briefs and transcripts.

On Saturday, Justice Ginsburg discussed only one recent Supreme Court decision, the ruling in June that determined federal courts are powerless to address partisan gerrymandering, the practice of drawing voting districts to aid the party in power.

It was a 5-to-4 decision, and Justice Ginsburg and the other three liberal members of the court were in dissent. She denounced a practice that she called rigged elections. “That’s not the way a democracy should run,” she said.

Were Justice Ginsburg to leave the court during Mr. Trump’s first term, it would give him an opportunity to name a third justice. The last president to appoint more than two justices in his first term was Richard M. Nixon, who put four on the court from 1969 to 1972. Those appointments spelled the end of the liberal court that had been led by Chief Justice Earl Warren and created a conservative majority that remains to this day.

The current court is closely divided, with five Republican appointees and four Democratic ones. A third Trump appointee would not only make the balance more lopsided but would also almost certainly move the court’s ideological center to the right.

On Saturday, Justice Ginsburg seemed committed to staying on the job while marveling at her celebrity. “It’s amazing,” she said. “At the advanced age of 86, everyone wants to take a picture with me.”

Carla Hayden, the librarian of Congress, said she had been inclined to introduce the justice as “the Beyoncé of jurisprudence.” But Justice Ginsburg had a different idea, Ms. Hayden said, indicating a preference for “the J. Lo of jurisprudence.”

A little later, Justice Ginsburg described meeting Jennifer Lopez and Alex Rodriguez in her judicial chambers. She shared with the celebrity couple her mother-in-law’s secret for a happy marriage: “It helps sometimes to be a little deaf.”

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How a Trump Tax Break to Help Poor Communities Became a Windfall for the Rich

NEW ORLEANS — President Trump has portrayed America’s cities as wastelands, ravaged by crime and homelessness, infested by rats.

But the Trump administration’s signature plan to lift them — a multibillion-dollar tax break that is supposed to help low-income areas — has fueled a wave of developments financed by and built for the wealthiest Americans.

Among the early beneficiaries of the tax incentive are billionaire financiers like Leon Cooperman and business magnates like Sidney Kohl — and Mr. Trump’s family members and advisers.

Former Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey; Richard LeFrak, a New York real estate titan who is close to the president; Anthony Scaramucci, a former White House aide who recently had a falling out with Mr. Trump; and the family of Jared Kushner, Mr. Trump’s son-in-law and senior adviser, all are looking to profit from what is shaping up to be a once-in-a-generation bonanza for elite investors.

The stated goal of the tax benefit — tucked into the Republicans’ 2017 tax-cut legislation — was to coax investors to pump cash into poor neighborhoods, known as opportunity zones, leading to new housing, businesses and jobs.

The initiative allows people to sell stocks or other investments and delay capital gains taxes for years — as long as they plow the proceeds into projects in federally certified opportunity zones. Any profits from those projects can avoid federal taxes altogether.

“Opportunity zones, hottest thing going, providing massive new incentives for investment and job creation in distressed communities,” Mr. Trump declared at a recent rally in Cincinnati.

Instead, billions of untaxed investment profits are beginning to pour into high-end apartment buildings and hotels, storage facilities that employ only a handful of workers, and student housing in bustling college towns, among other projects.

Many of the projects that will enjoy special tax status were underway long before the opportunity-zone provision was enacted. Financial institutions are boasting about the tax savings that await those who invest in real estate in affluent neighborhoods.

ImageWestlake Legal Group 31ozbonanza8-articleLarge How a Trump Tax Break to Help Poor Communities Became a Windfall for the Rich Trump, Donald J Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (2017) Scaramucci, Anthony Parker, Sean (1979- ) opportunity zones New Orleans (La) Miami (Fla) Lefrak, Richard S Kushner, Jared Kushner Cos Federal Taxes (US) Christie, Christopher J Capital Gains Tax

Among those raising money for opportunity-zone investments are Anthony Scaramucci, center, the founder of SkyBridge Capital, and Chris Christie, right, the former governor of New Jersey.CreditBridget Bennett for The New York Times

Mr. Scaramucci’s development in New Orleans offers a portrait of how the tax break works. His investment company, SkyBridge Capital, is using the so-called opportunity zone initiative to help build a hotel, outfitted with an opulent restaurant and a rooftop pool, in the city’s trendy Warehouse District.

The tax benefit also is helping finance the construction of a 46-story, glass-wrapped apartment tower — amenities include a yoga lawn and a pool surrounded by cabanas and daybeds — in a Houston neighborhood already brimming with new projects aimed at the wealthy.

And in Miami’s hot Design District, where commercial real estate prices have nearly tripled in the last decade, the tax break is set to be used for a ritzy new office tower with a landscaped roof terrace.

Some proponents of opportunity zones note that money is already flowing into downtrodden communities like Birmingham, Ala., and Erie, Pa. They argue that more funds will follow. And they note that because no data exists on where investments are being made, it is impossible to quantify the benefits going to the wealthy versus the poor.

“The early wave, that’s not what you judge,” said John Lettieri, president of the Economic Innovation Group, an organization that lobbied for the establishment of opportunity zones.

But leaders of groups that work in cities and rural areas to combat poverty say they are disappointed with how it is playing out so far.

“Capital is going to flow to the lowest-risk, highest-return environment,” said Aaron T. Seybert, the social investment officer at the Kresge Foundation, a community-development group in Troy, Mich., that supported the opportunity-zone effort.

“Perhaps 95 percent of this is doing no good for people we care about.”

Mr. Scaramucci, left, shaking hands with John F. Kelly, the former White House chief of staff. Mr. Scaramucci is using opportunity-zone advantages to help build a hotel in a trendy section of New Orleans.CreditBridget Bennett for The New York Times

The opportunity-zone tax break was targeted at the trillions of dollars of capital gains held by rich Americans and their companies: profits from investments in the stock market, real estate and other businesses, even short-term trades by hedge funds. When investors sell those assets, they can incur tax bills of up to 41 percent.

Sean Parker, an early backer of Facebook, helped come up with the idea of pairing a capital-gains tax break with an incentive to invest in distressed neighborhoods. “When you are a founder of Facebook, and you own a lot of stock,” Mr. Parker said at a recent opportunity-zone conference, “you spend a lot of time thinking about capital gains.”

Starting in 2013, Mr. Parker bankrolled a Capitol Hill lobbying effort to pitch the idea to members of Congress. That effort was run through his Economic Innovation Group. In addition to Mr. Parker, the group’s backers included Dan Gilbert, the billionaire founder of Quicken Loans, and Ted Ullyot, the former general counsel of Facebook.

The plan won the support of Senators Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey, and Tim Scott, Republican of South Carolina. When Congress, at Mr. Trump’s urging, began discussing major changes to the federal tax code in 2017, Mr. Parker’s idea had a chance to become reality.

Mr. Scott, who sponsored a version of the opportunity-zone legislation that was later incorporated into the broader tax cut package, said it was “for American people stuck, sometimes trapped, in a place where it seems like the lights grow dimmer, and the future does, too.”

“Let’s turn those lights on and make the future bright,” he added.

Confined to six pages in the 185-page tax bill, the provision can significantly increase the profits investors reap on real estate and other transactions.

It allows investors to defer for up to seven years any capital gains taxes on the money they invest in opportunity zones. (That deferral is valuable because it allows people to invest a larger sum upfront, potentially generating more profits over time.) After 10 years, the investor can cash out — by selling the opportunity-zone real estate, for example — and not owe any taxes on the profits.

Over a decade, those dual incentives could increase an investor’s returns by 70 percent, according to an analysis by Novogradac, an accounting firm.

“We are very, very excited about the potential,” the president’s daughter Ivanka Trump said last year at an event celebrating Mr. Parker’s role in creating opportunity zones. “The whole White House obviously is behind the effort. The whole administration.”

The opportunity zones, focused on low-income census tracts, were drawn by officials in each state, as well as in Washington, D.C., and Puerto Rico. Last year, the Treasury Department approved roughly 8,800 such zones. (The White House and Treasury declined to make senior officials available to discuss the program.)

Nearly a third of the 31 million people who live in the zones are considered poor — almost double the national poverty rate. Yet there are plenty of affluent areas inside those poor census tracts. And, as investors would soon realize, some of the zones were not low income at all.

The Preston is financed by the investors in Cresset, a multibillion-dollar asset management firm.CreditBrandon Thibodeaux for The New York Times

The Harvard Club of New York City, in Midtown Manhattan, is the embodiment of America’s old-money elite. Crimson-jacketed waiters serve members who are watched over by oil portraits of elite alumni.

One recent morning, financial advisers representing several dozen of America’s richest dynasties — advisers to the Pritzker and Soros families were listed as attendees — crowded into a drab meeting room on the club’s third floor.

The advisers were there to see Daniel Kowalski, a top aide to Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin and the Trump administration’s point person for the opportunity-zone rules. Mr. Kowalski is barnstorming the country, bouncing from one conference to the next, explaining to real estate investors and developers how to take advantage of the new rules.

Mr. Kowalski was an aide to the Trump campaign, where he worked for the White House policy adviser Stephen Miller. Before that, he was an aide to Jeff Sessions when Mr. Sessions was on the Senate Budget Committee.

[The Trump associates benefiting from a tax break for poor communities.]

At the Harvard Club, he dived into an explanation of how opportunity zones work — and for whom they work. “The audience for opportunity zones is inherently fairly small because it’s limited to capital-gains income, which is why I wanted to come and talk to this group,” he told the room of advisers.

That audience is small indeed: Only 7 percent of Americans report taxable capital gains, and nearly two-thirds of that income was reported by people with a total annual income of $1 million or more, according to I.R.S. data.

Yet this is a vital constituency, since the success of the opportunity-zone program will hinge largely on how much money investors kick in. That is why the Trump administration — and Mr. Kowalski in particular — is promoting the tax break on Wall Street.

“I have served a little bit as a middle man between the business community and the I.R.S.,” he said at another conference a few weeks later.

More than 200 opportunity-zone funds have been established by banks like Goldman Sachs and major real estate companies, including CIM Group of Los Angeles, which has previously been a partner with the Trump and Kushner families on projects. Those funds have said their goal was to raise a total of nearly $57 billion.

The law does not require public disclosure of who are taking advantage of the initiative or how they are deploying their funds. Among those who have invested money or said they intend to are Mr. Kohl, a founder of the department store chain that bears his name; Steve Case, co-founder of AOL; Alexander Bhathal, part owner of the Sacramento Kings basketball team; and Richard Forman, the former owner of the Forman Mills chain of clothing stores, according to interviews and other public statements.

Daniel Kowalski, the Trump administration’s point person for opportunity-zone rules, speaking at a Washington forum about them in June.CreditMelissa Lyttle for The New York Times

Many others are lesser-known business executives who recently sold small companies or real estate and are looking for ways to avoid large tax bills.

Paul DeMoret, for example, recently sold his auto-industry software company in Oregon. He said he was using some of those capital gains to help finance a Courtyard by Marriott in Winston-Salem, N.C., and an apartment building in Tempe, Ariz., among other projects in opportunity zones. He is making the investments through a private equity firm, Virtua Partners.

The tax break is largely benefiting the real estate industry — where Mr. Trump made his fortune and still has extensive business interests — and it is luring people with personal or professional connections to the president.

Mr. Christie, a onetime adviser to Mr. Trump, has raised money for opportunity-zone investments including an apartment building in Hackensack, N.J., and a self-storage center in Connecticut.

Cadre, an investment company co-founded by Mr. Kushner and his brother, Joshua, is raising hundreds of millions of dollars that it hopes to use on opportunity-zone projects. The company is eyeing neighborhoods in Savannah, Ga., Dallas, Los Angeles and Nashville that are expected to grow larger and wealthier in coming years. Jared Kushner has a stake in Cadre worth up to $50 million, according to his most recent financial disclosure.

Mr. LeFrak, a longtime confidant of Mr. Trump’s and a major campaign donor, is building a luxury residential community in the middle of an opportunity zone in Miami. (It is unclear how much of the development’s funding will end up being tax advantaged.)

Not far away in the Design District, Daniel Lebensohn is planning to build his high-end office tower. Mr. Lebensohn previously joined the Trump Organization to sell luxury condominiums at the Trump Hollywood complex north of Miami.

And Mr. Kushner’s family company directly owns or is in the process of buying at least a dozen properties in New York, New Jersey and Florida that are in opportunity zones. They include a pair in Miami, where Kushner Companies plans to build a 393-apartment luxury high rise with sweeping views of Biscayne Bay, according to a company presentation for potential investors.

A representative for the Kushner family confirmed that it was considering opportunity-zone funding for some developments, but said it would probably not use the funding for the Miami projects.

Backers of the opportunity-zone program say luxury projects are the easiest to finance, which is why those have been happening first. Over the long run, they say, those deals will be eclipsed by ones that produce social benefits in low-income areas.

At least some struggling neighborhoods are already starting to receive investments.

In Birmingham, for example, a developer is using opportunity-zone funds to convert a building, vacant for decades, into 140 apartments primarily aimed at the local work force.

“We are seeing projects that are being announced here in Alabama that would not have happened otherwise,” said Alex Flachsbart, founder of Opportunity Alabama, which is trying to steer investors to economically struggling neighborhoods.

Similar projects are getting underway in Erie, Cleveland and Charlottesville, Va. Goldman Sachs is using some of its capital gains — profits on the company’s own investments — in opportunity zones, including $364 million for mixed-income housing developments in Salt Lake City, Baltimore and other cities.

Mr. Case, the AOL co-founder, and Derrick Morgan, a former professional football player, are among those who have announced that they will invest in opportunity-zone projects that are designed to address clear social and economic problems.

As he announced his retirement from the Tennessee Titans in July, Mr. Morgan wrote on Instagram that his goal would be to “create more opportunities for those who are underserved and overlooked” in communities like Coatesville, Pa., where he went to high school.

Emanuel J. Friedman, a hedge fund manager, is using some of his capital gains and money he has raised from others to build 11 warehouses in rural Jasper County, S.C., near the Savannah seaport. The warehouses won’t employ many people, but he said the jobs would offer higher wages than hotel housekeeping positions at the nearby Hilton Head resort, where many area residents now work.

“Of course it will make a difference,” Mr. Friedman said. “It is mind-boggling. It is the best thing I have ever done.”

The developers of the Sole Mia project in North Miami, Fla., urged a local official to nominate the area as an opportunity zone and are now considering ways to take advantage of the status.CreditScott McIntyre for The New York Times

But even supporters of the initiative agree that the bulk of the opportunity-zone money is going to places that do not need the help, while many poorer communities are so far empty-handed.

Some opportunity zones that were classified as low income based on census data from several years ago have since gentrified. Others that remain poor over all have large numbers of wealthy households.

Number of Opportunity Zones by Median Household Income

More than 7 percent of opportunity zones had household incomes above the median census tract in 2017. Investors are focusing on projects in these neighborhoods.

Westlake Legal Group oz-distribution-335 How a Trump Tax Break to Help Poor Communities Became a Windfall for the Rich Trump, Donald J Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (2017) Scaramucci, Anthony Parker, Sean (1979- ) opportunity zones New Orleans (La) Miami (Fla) Lefrak, Richard S Kushner, Jared Kushner Cos Federal Taxes (US) Christie, Christopher J Capital Gains Tax

$54,408

Median

U.S. tract

$77,692

Fishtown,

Philadelphia

$137,147

Long Island City,

Queens

$98,508

Market Square,

Houston

Westlake Legal Group oz-distribution-600 How a Trump Tax Break to Help Poor Communities Became a Windfall for the Rich Trump, Donald J Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (2017) Scaramucci, Anthony Parker, Sean (1979- ) opportunity zones New Orleans (La) Miami (Fla) Lefrak, Richard S Kushner, Jared Kushner Cos Federal Taxes (US) Christie, Christopher J Capital Gains Tax

$54,408

Median

U.S. tract

$77,692

Fishtown,

Philadelphia

$91,397

Gowanus,

Brooklyn

$98,508

Market Square,

Houston

$137,147

Long Island City,

Queens

Westlake Legal Group oz-distribution-900 How a Trump Tax Break to Help Poor Communities Became a Windfall for the Rich Trump, Donald J Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (2017) Scaramucci, Anthony Parker, Sean (1979- ) opportunity zones New Orleans (La) Miami (Fla) Lefrak, Richard S Kushner, Jared Kushner Cos Federal Taxes (US) Christie, Christopher J Capital Gains Tax

$54,408

Median

U.S. tract

$91,397

Gowanus,

Brooklyn

$77,692

Fishtown,

Philadelphia

$98,508

Market Square,

Houston

$137,147

Long Island City,

Queens

Source: American Community Survey

By Blacki Migliozzi and Juliette Love

And nearly 200 of the 8,800 federally designated opportunity zones are adjacent to poor areas but are not themselves considered low income.

Under the law, up to 5 percent of the zones did not need to be poor. The idea was to enable governors to draw opportunity zones in ways that would include projects or businesses just outside poor census tracts, potentially creating jobs for low-income people. In addition, states could designate whole sections of cities or rural areas that would be targeted for investment, including some higher-income census tracts.

In some cases, developers have lobbied state officials to include specific plots of land inside opportunity zones.

In Miami, for example, Mr. LeFrak — who donated nearly $500,000 to Mr. Trump’s campaign and inauguration and is personally close to the president — is working with a Florida partner on a 183-acre project that is set to include 12 residential towers and eight football fields’ worth of retail and commercial space.

In spring 2018, as they planned the so-called Sole Mia project, Mr. LeFrak’s executives encouraged city officials in North Miami to nominate the area around the site as an opportunity zone, according to Larry M. Spring, the city manager. They did so, and the Treasury Department made the designation official.

The Far West Side of Manhattan is part of an opportunity zone — even as high-end towers have been replacing run-down apartment buildings and more than 15 percent of households reported income of $200,000 or more in 2017, according to an analysis by Webster Pacific, a consulting firm. This is the new home of Pershing Square Capital Management, the prominent hedge fund run by the billionaire Bill Ackman.

Mr. Ackman is trying to find tenants for 80,000 square feet of unused office space in his fund’s building, which has a Jaguar dealership on the ground floor. He said he was using its location inside an opportunity zone as a lure.

That is because investors can use their capital gains to invest not only in real estate but also in businesses inside opportunity zones. A company that sets up shop inside Mr. Ackman’s building therefore would be eligible to accept tax-advantaged opportunity-zone money.

One of the Sole Mia partners is Richard LeFrak, who donated nearly $500,000 to President Trump’s campaign and inauguration.CreditScott McIntyre for The New York Times

Financial institutions are not even trying to make it look as if their opportunity-zone investments were intended to benefit needy communities.

CBRE, one of the country’s largest real estate companies, is seeking opportunity-zone funding for an apartment building in Alexandria, Va., which CBRE is pitching to prospective investors as “one of the region’s most affluent locations.”

JPMorgan Chase is raising money to build housing targeting students in College Park, Md., near the University of Maryland. (Because many students do not have jobs, census data often wrongly suggests that college towns are poor neighborhoods.)

In marketing materials, JPMorgan noted that while College Park “qualifies as low income due to the student population, the area around it is affluent.” The bank added, “The tax benefits can be remarkable.”

The Swiss bank UBS is raising funds from its “ultra high net worth” clients — requiring in some cases that they have at least $50 million in investable assets — for developments in New York and Connecticut. The projects include a 23-story retail and office building in Downtown Brooklyn and an upscale apartment building in New Rochelle, N.Y., with a yoga studio and 24-hour valet parking. There is even a spa — for residents’ pets.

Other companies have set up subscription databases showing which zones have the highest incomes and fastest-growing populations to help investors steer their money to the most lucrative and least risky destinations.

“The current system is clearly driving capital to places that are known to be winners,” said Christopher A. Coes, vice president at Smart Growth America, a nonprofit group that encourages investments in American cities.

This street in New Orleans became part of an opportunity zone after a hotel in the Virgin chain had already been planned there.CreditAkasha Rabut for The New York Times

The Warehouse District of New Orleans is one of the city’s trendiest neighborhoods. Some of the area’s hottest restaurants — as well as a new one dishing out shrimp tempura tacos — are here. So are hipster barbershops. Boutique hotels spill well-heeled tourists onto the red brick sidewalks. High-end coffee shops are packed with young people buried in their MacBooks.

And it is getting hotter. The sounds of heavy-duty equipment heaving steel or pouring cement are audible across the neighborhood.

In other words, in a city grappling with acute poverty, this is not a neighborhood that especially needs a generous new tax break to lure luxury lodging. Yet state officials have established an opportunity zone here.

That decision benefited businesses already operating or planned for the district. One of those is a 225-room hotel, part of Richard Branson’s Virgin Hotels chain, whose plans were unveiled a year before Mr. Trump signed the tax law. Its location inside an opportunity zone meant investors could earn greater profits than they otherwise would have, by financing the project with tax-advantaged money.

Changing Incomes in New Orleans

Early opportunity zone development is often happening in neighborhoods where income was already rising, not in struggling areas.

Westlake Legal Group la-map-Artboard_1 How a Trump Tax Break to Help Poor Communities Became a Windfall for the Rich Trump, Donald J Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (2017) Scaramucci, Anthony Parker, Sean (1979- ) opportunity zones New Orleans (La) Miami (Fla) Lefrak, Richard S Kushner, Jared Kushner Cos Federal Taxes (US) Christie, Christopher J Capital Gains Tax

Median household

income 2012-17

Opportunity

zones

French

Quarter

Virgin Hotel

(under construction)

Hoffman Triangle

Warehouse District

NEW ORLEANS

Garden

District

Mississippi River

Westlake Legal Group la-map-Artboard_1_copy How a Trump Tax Break to Help Poor Communities Became a Windfall for the Rich Trump, Donald J Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (2017) Scaramucci, Anthony Parker, Sean (1979- ) opportunity zones New Orleans (La) Miami (Fla) Lefrak, Richard S Kushner, Jared Kushner Cos Federal Taxes (US) Christie, Christopher J Capital Gains Tax

Median household income 2012-17

Opportunity

zones

French

Quarter

Virgin Hotel

Hoffman

Triangle

Warehouse

District

NEW ORLEANS

Mississippi River

Sources: American Community Survey; OpenStreetMap | By Weiyi Cai and Blacki Migliozzi

Those investors include Mr. Scaramucci, who briefly served as White House communications director in 2017 and has claimed credit for helping to create the opportunity-zone plan. “We got to get into this business because this will be transformative to the United States,” he said recently.

Mr. Scaramucci’s investment firm, SkyBridge Capital, has raised more than $50 million in capital gains from outside investors, and most of it is being used to finance the hotel, according to Brett S. Messing, the company’s president. He said the hotel was likely to be the first of numerous opportunity-zone projects financed by SkyBridge.

The Virgin Hotels construction site in New Orleans. Because of the zone, the 225-room hotel can be financed with tax-advantaged money.CreditAkasha Rabut for The New York Times

Less than two miles away is the poorest opportunity zone in Louisiana — and one of the poorest nationwide. The zone includes the Hoffman Triangle neighborhood, where the average household earns less than $15,000 per year. Block after block, streets are lined with dilapidated, narrow homes, many of them boarded up. On a recent afternoon, one of them was serving as a work site for prostitutes.

City officials, including the head of economic development for New Orleans, said they were not aware of any opportunity-zone projects in this neighborhood.

Terrance Ross, a construction worker who has lived in the area for 20 years, is familiar with the building boom underway in the Warehouse District.

“Why is the federal government putting money where money is already accumulating?” he asked, lighting a cigarette and standing across the street from an abandoned house. “This neighborhood just needs some tender loving care.”

Similar scenes are playing out in opportunity zones across the United States: The federal government is subsidizing luxury developments — often within walking distance of economically distressed communities — that were in the works before Mr. Trump was even elected president.

In Houston, construction recently started on the Preston, with 373 “luxury for rent” apartments as well as a “skydeck” and a resort-style swimming pool. The development is being financed by the investors in Cresset, a multibillion-dollar asset management firm, including one of its founders, Avy Stein.

Changing Incomes in Houston

Early opportunity zone investment is coming to Market Square, already a site of high-end developments and major income growth.

Westlake Legal Group houston-map-Artboard_1 How a Trump Tax Break to Help Poor Communities Became a Windfall for the Rich Trump, Donald J Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (2017) Scaramucci, Anthony Parker, Sean (1979- ) opportunity zones New Orleans (La) Miami (Fla) Lefrak, Richard S Kushner, Jared Kushner Cos Federal Taxes (US) Christie, Christopher J Capital Gains Tax

Median household

income 2012-17

Market Square is home to three recent luxury developments.

Greater

Fifth Ward

Downtown

Houston

Fourth Ward

Opportunity zones

South

Central Houston

University

of Houston

Rice

University

Houston

Zoo

Westlake Legal Group houston-map-Artboard_1_copy How a Trump Tax Break to Help Poor Communities Became a Windfall for the Rich Trump, Donald J Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (2017) Scaramucci, Anthony Parker, Sean (1979- ) opportunity zones New Orleans (La) Miami (Fla) Lefrak, Richard S Kushner, Jared Kushner Cos Federal Taxes (US) Christie, Christopher J Capital Gains Tax

Median household income 2012-17

Market Square is home to three recent luxury developments.

Downtown

Houston

Fourth Ward

South

Central Houston

University

of Houston

Houston

Zoo

Opportunity zones

Sources: American Community Survey; OpenStreetMap | By Weiyi Cai and Blacki Migliozzi

And in downtown Portland, Ore., the developers of a 35-story tower with a hotel, condos and office space are hoping to raise up to $150 million in opportunity-zone money to pay for the project. Condos will go for as much as $7.5 million each. The hotel is a Ritz-Carlton.

Exhibits at Mr. Scaramucci’s investment conference in Las Vegas, where opportunity zones were discussed as the next big thing.CreditBridget Bennett for The New York Times

Club music blared from speakers as millionaires and billionaires — and the money managers, lawyers, accountants and other professionals looking to make money off all this wealth — milled around a pool and private cabanas at the Bellagio hotel in Las Vegas.

They were at an annual investment conference to talk about the next big thing. This year, that thing was opportunity zones, which were the focus of five panel discussions.

The Las Vegas event was hosted by Mr. Scaramucci. Among the attendees was Mark Cuban, the billionaire owner of the Dallas Mavericks basketball team. At one point he posed and smiled for a photo with Mr. Scaramucci and his wife.

“OZ are super hot right now,” Mr. Cuban said in an email after the event, adding that he had recently bought a property in an opportunity zone, but had not decided yet if he would use the tax break. “Every major investor I know has been pitched a property or fund within an OZ.”

The feeding frenzy is not confined to rich individuals. Lawyers, accountants, wealth managers and consultants are enjoying a gusher of new work — and raking in fees — helping clients structure deals with the maximum tax savings.

Real estate lawyers like Brad A. Molotsky are billing hundreds of extra hours as they field calls from eager investors. One day in June, Mr. Molotsky juggled clients who wanted to invest in $500 million worth of opportunity-zone projects.

“I am just one guy, and that was from just two meetings,” said Mr. Molotsky, who works in New Jersey for the law firm Duane Morris. He has completed more than 20 opportunity-zone deals, he said, and has dozens more in the pipeline.

The night after Mr. Scaramucci’s pool party, more festivities were underway on the other end of the Las Vegas Strip — part of a separate event also focused on opportunity zones. One party was at the Soviet-themed Red Square restaurant. Inside, an investor handed out postcards with photographs of buildings he wanted to buy in opportunity zones.

At another open-bar soiree, a man in a navy suit and a cowboy hat wandered the crowd, drink in hand. Attached to the top of his hat was a large sign. It beckoned: “Looking for OZ Funds.”

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

Both Parties See Control of the Senate as Pivotal. Here Are the Key Races They’re Watching.

WASHINGTON — The battle for the White House may be the marquee political event of 2020, but it is the rapidly intensifying struggle for control of the Senate that will determine how power is truly wielded in Washington come 2021.

As Republicans assess President Trump’s uncertain re-election chances, they see maintaining control of the Senate as their last line of defense against the prospect of Democrats controlling both the House and the White House. Democrats view gaining the Senate as a way to stymie Mr. Trump should he win a second term. And they say that winning the White House only to have Senator Mitch McConnell, Republican of Kentucky and the majority leader, remain in charge of the Senate would stifle any legislative effort to undo the effects of the Trump presidency.

Strategists for both parties and independent analysts currently give Republicans the edge in narrowly holding on to the Senate given the small universe of highly competitive races. But the distinct possibility of wild cards adding to an already volatile atmosphere was underscored this week by the news that Senator Johnny Isakson, Republican of Georgia, will retire at the end of the year. His departure unexpectedly put another seat in play and gave Democrats a second pickup opportunity in a state they believe is trending increasingly blue.

“We have a decent shot,” said Senator Chuck Schumer, the Democratic leader. “Republican incumbents and Donald Trump are far weaker in the challenger states than people realize.”

Democrats would need a net gain of three seats to assume Senate control if they win the White House and four if they do not since the vice president serves as the tiebreaker in a 50-50 Senate. “The math is simple,” the advocacy group Emily’s List heralded in a fund-raising email, “the work is hard.”

Both sides agree that just a handful of seats are truly up for grabs at this point, limiting Democratic opportunities for the gains they want.

“They need to put another seat on the board or pull another rabbit out of their hat in Alabama and I’m not sure they can,” said Jennifer E. Duffy, who handicaps Senate races for the nonpartisan Cook Political Report.

ImageWestlake Legal Group merlin_151133544_5d4859ad-2f7c-4880-ae4c-fa157ae23b1d-articleLarge Both Parties See Control of the Senate as Pivotal. Here Are the Key Races They’re Watching. United States Politics and Government Trump, Donald J Tillis, Thomas R Schumer, Charles E Primaries and Caucuses Politics and Government McSally, Martha McConnell, Mitch Kelly, Mark E (1964- ) Jones, Doug (1954- ) Isakson, Johnny Hickenlooper, John W Gideon, Sara (1971- ) Gardner, Cory S Ernst, Joni Elections, Senate Daines, Steve Cornyn, John Collins, Susan M Bullock, Steve

Mark Kelly, a prized Democratic recruit and former astronaut, is planning to challenge Senator Martha McSally for her seat in Arizona.CreditMike Christy/Arizona Daily Star, via Associated Press

Her Alabama reference points to the fact that Senator Doug Jones, a Democrat, faces re-election there after an upset victory in 2017 over Roy S. Moore, a former judge who was accused of sexual misconduct with teenage girls. Washington Republicans are determined to deny Mr. Moore a rematch. But other Republican candidates will be heavily favored in a very conservative state, making Mr. Jones the only seriously endangered Democratic incumbent at the moment. The party is defending a dozen seats compared with 23 for Republicans.

In contrast to 2018, Republicans otherwise will be almost entirely on defense in 2020 with Republican-held seats in Arizona, Colorado, Maine and North Carolina considered by both parties to be the top targets; seats in Iowa and elsewhere could move on to the list as the campaigns there develop.

Republicans believe they can hold on in most of the chief battleground states — Mr. Trump won two of the four in 2016, Arizona and North Carolina, and won one of Maine’s four electoral votes. And they say Democrats themselves are helping strengthen their hand.

Republicans in charge of the party’s overall Senate strategy say that the progressive agenda being embraced by leading Democratic presidential candidates and other prominent voices in the party — “Medicare for all,” the Green New Deal, public benefits for undocumented immigrants — is turning off the swing voters that Democrats will need to win Senate seats in places like Iowa and Arizona. Republicans are doing their best to brand Democrats as far out of the mainstream. The term “socialist” will be a regular feature of Republican ads and speeches.

“Every week Democrats offer up a different radical proposal that alienates mainstream voters in competitive states, so it’s best to let Democrats keep talking,” said Senator Todd Young of Indiana, the chairman of the National Republican Senatorial Committee.

Some Democrats privately agree but say the identity of the party’s eventual presidential nominee will play a more significant role in determining the outcome of the battle for the Senate. And while Republicans have sought to tie the progressive policies to top contenders such as Mark Kelly, the former astronaut and a prized Democratic recruit against Senator Martha McSally, Republican of Arizona, he and the other Democratic candidates have distanced themselves from proposals such as a government-run health insurance program that would end private coverage.

Democrats say that it is Republican candidates who are caught in a squeeze, trapped between independent and suburban Republicans uncomfortable with Mr. Trump and base voters who will brook no dissent when it comes to the president. Mr. Schumer noted that the same crosscurrents helped Democrats defeat the Republican senator Dean Heller in Nevada last year.

“As Dean Heller learned, when they embrace Trump, they lose the middle, and when they run away from Trump, they lose the base,” he said in an interview, describing what he sees as the quandary for Republican incumbents in contested states.

Senator Susan Collins of Maine is facing challenges in Maine after supporting the confirmation of Brett M. Kavanaugh to the Supreme Court.CreditErin Schaff/The New York Times

Democrats say they see opportunity in the low poll numbers for embattled incumbents such as Senator Thom Tillis in North Carolina and Senator Susan Collins in Maine, who is facing the challenge of her political life after supporting the nomination of the Supreme Court justice Brett M. Kavanaugh as well as a tax bill that has proved unpopular with some in Maine. But Ms. Collins has shown in the past that she can overcome waves of discontent in her party and survive in a tough environment, similar to the way Senator Joe Manchin III, Democrat of West Virginia, has managed to defy the political odds in his state.

Democrats have struggled to land their preferred candidates in Georgia and Montana. They hold out hope that Gov. Steve Bullock of Montana will tire of his second-tier status in the contest for the Democratic presidential nomination and decide to run against Senator Steve Daines. John Hickenlooper, the former governor of Colorado, cheered national Democrats when he made that same switch to oppose Senator Cory Gardner, perhaps the most threatened Republican incumbent, in a state Mr. Trump failed to carry in 2016.

But Mr. Hickenlooper’s decision to run for the Senate after his presidential bid faltered — and the national party’s embrace of that move — have angered the 11 Democrats who were already running for Mr. Gardner’s seat and do not seem inclined to give him a pass.

National Democrats have rallied behind several other candidates facing primaries, including the speaker of the Maine House, Sara Gideon, who is challenging Ms. Collins, and Theresa Greenfield of Iowa, who will be stressing her deep farm roots against Senator Joni Ernst, who won a first term in 2014 by emphasizing her own farm background.

They also like their candidates with military credentials such as Mr. Kelly and Cal Cunningham, a North Carolina Democrat and veteran of Iraq and Afghanistan trying to unseat Mr. Tillis, who will face a primary of his own given Republican discontent with his performance.

Democrats believe they can potentially bring other races into play including Texas, where Senator John Cornyn, a former member of his party’s leadership, is running for a fourth term, and perhaps Kansas if Kris Kobach, a divisive Republican who lost the governor’s race last year, is the nominee for an open seat. Republicans have their eyes on Michigan, where John James, who lost a Senate race last year, is trying again with strong party backing against Senator Gary Peters, who Republicans think is vulnerable.

And both parties have their eyes on Kentucky, where Democrats would dearly love to defeat their nemesis, Mr. McConnell. But even if they cannot, they intend to focus on the race as a way of helping amplify the message that Democrats need to capture the Senate to thwart the man who has thwarted them so successfully. Mr. McConnell will be a part of every Senate race.

“Mitch McConnell is the Nancy Pelosi of 2020,” said Ms. Duffy, the analyst, referring to past Republican attempts to make the House Democratic leader the face of her party.

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

How a Trump Tax Break to Help Poor Communities Became a Windfall for the Rich

NEW ORLEANS — President Trump has portrayed America’s cities as wastelands, ravaged by crime and homelessness, infested by rats.

But the Trump administration’s signature plan to lift them — a multibillion-dollar tax break that is supposed to help low-income areas — has fueled a wave of developments financed by and built for the wealthiest Americans.

Among the early beneficiaries of the tax incentive are billionaire financiers like Leon Cooperman and business magnates like Sidney Kohl — and Mr. Trump’s family members and advisers.

Former Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey; Richard LeFrak, a New York real estate titan who is close to the president; Anthony Scaramucci, a former White House aide who recently had a falling out with Mr. Trump; and the family of Jared Kushner, Mr. Trump’s son-in-law and senior adviser, all are looking to profit from what is shaping up to be a once-in-a-generation bonanza for elite investors.

The stated goal of the tax benefit — tucked into the Republicans’ 2017 tax-cut legislation — was to coax investors to pump cash into poor neighborhoods, known as opportunity zones, leading to new housing, businesses and jobs.

The initiative allows people to sell stocks or other investments and delay capital gains taxes for years — as long as they plow the proceeds into projects in federally certified opportunity zones. Any profits from those projects can avoid federal taxes altogether.

“Opportunity zones, hottest thing going, providing massive new incentives for investment and job creation in distressed communities,” Mr. Trump declared at a recent rally in Cincinnati.

Instead, billions of untaxed investment profits are beginning to pour into high-end apartment buildings and hotels, storage facilities that employ only a handful of workers, and student housing in bustling college towns, among other projects.

Many of the projects that will enjoy special tax status were underway long before the opportunity-zone provision was enacted. Financial institutions are boasting about the tax savings that await those who invest in real estate in affluent neighborhoods.

ImageWestlake Legal Group 31ozbonanza8-articleLarge How a Trump Tax Break to Help Poor Communities Became a Windfall for the Rich Trump, Donald J Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (2017) Scaramucci, Anthony Parker, Sean (1979- ) opportunity zones New Orleans (La) Miami (Fla) Lefrak, Richard S Kushner, Jared Kushner Cos Federal Taxes (US) Christie, Christopher J Capital Gains Tax

Among those raising money for opportunity-zone investments are Anthony Scaramucci, center, the founder of SkyBridge Capital, and Chris Christie, right, the former governor of New Jersey.CreditBridget Bennett for The New York Times

Mr. Scaramucci’s development in New Orleans offers a portrait of how the tax break works. His investment company, SkyBridge Capital, is using the so-called opportunity zone initiative to help build a hotel, outfitted with an opulent restaurant and a rooftop pool, in the city’s trendy Warehouse District.

The tax benefit also is helping finance the construction of a 46-story, glass-wrapped apartment tower — amenities include a yoga lawn and a pool surrounded by cabanas and daybeds — in a Houston neighborhood already brimming with new projects aimed at the wealthy.

And in Miami’s hot Design District, where commercial real estate prices have nearly tripled in the last decade, the tax break is set to be used for a ritzy new office tower with a landscaped roof terrace.

Some proponents of opportunity zones note that money is already flowing into downtrodden communities like Birmingham, Ala., and Erie, Pa. They argue that more funds will follow. And they note that because no data exists on where investments are being made, it is impossible to quantify the benefits going to the wealthy versus the poor.

“The early wave, that’s not what you judge,” said John Lettieri, president of the Economic Innovation Group, an organization that lobbied for the establishment of opportunity zones.

But leaders of groups that work in cities and rural areas to combat poverty say they are disappointed with how it is playing out so far.

“Capital is going to flow to the lowest-risk, highest-return environment,” said Aaron T. Seybert, the social investment officer at the Kresge Foundation, a community-development group in Troy, Mich., that supported the opportunity-zone effort.

“Perhaps 95 percent of this is doing no good for people we care about.”

Mr. Scaramucci, left, shaking hands with John F. Kelly, the former White House chief of staff. Mr. Scaramucci is using opportunity-zone advantages to help build a hotel in a trendy section of New Orleans.CreditBridget Bennett for The New York Times

The opportunity-zone tax break was targeted at the trillions of dollars of capital gains held by rich Americans and their companies: profits from investments in the stock market, real estate and other businesses, even short-term trades by hedge funds. When investors sell those assets, they can incur tax bills of up to 41 percent.

Sean Parker, an early backer of Facebook, helped come up with the idea of pairing a capital-gains tax break with an incentive to invest in distressed neighborhoods. “When you are a founder of Facebook, and you own a lot of stock,” Mr. Parker said at a recent opportunity-zone conference, “you spend a lot of time thinking about capital gains.”

Starting in 2013, Mr. Parker bankrolled a Capitol Hill lobbying effort to pitch the idea to members of Congress. That effort was run through his Economic Innovation Group. In addition to Mr. Parker, the group’s backers included Dan Gilbert, the billionaire founder of Quicken Loans, and Ted Ullyot, the former general counsel of Facebook.

The plan won the support of Senators Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey, and Tim Scott, Republican of South Carolina. When Congress, at Mr. Trump’s urging, began discussing major changes to the federal tax code in 2017, Mr. Parker’s idea had a chance to become reality.

Mr. Scott, who sponsored a version of the opportunity-zone legislation that was later incorporated into the broader tax cut package, said it was “for American people stuck, sometimes trapped, in a place where it seems like the lights grow dimmer, and the future does, too.”

“Let’s turn those lights on and make the future bright,” he added.

Confined to six pages in the 185-page tax bill, the provision can significantly increase the profits investors reap on real estate and other transactions.

It allows investors to defer for up to seven years any capital gains taxes on the money they invest in opportunity zones. (That deferral is valuable because it allows people to invest a larger sum upfront, potentially generating more profits over time.) After 10 years, the investor can cash out — by selling the opportunity-zone real estate, for example — and not owe any taxes on the profits.

Over a decade, those dual incentives could increase an investor’s returns by 70 percent, according to an analysis by Novogradac, an accounting firm.

“We are very, very excited about the potential,” the president’s daughter Ivanka Trump said last year at an event celebrating Mr. Parker’s role in creating opportunity zones. “The whole White House obviously is behind the effort. The whole administration.”

The opportunity zones, focused on low-income census tracts, were drawn by officials in each state, as well as in Washington, D.C., and Puerto Rico. Last year, the Treasury Department approved roughly 8,800 such zones. (The White House and Treasury declined to make senior officials available to discuss the program.)

Nearly a third of the 31 million people who live in the zones are considered poor — almost double the national poverty rate. Yet there are plenty of affluent areas inside those poor census tracts. And, as investors would soon realize, some of the zones were not low income at all.

The Preston is financed by the investors in Cresset, a multibillion-dollar asset management firm.CreditBrandon Thibodeaux for The New York Times

The Harvard Club of New York City, in Midtown Manhattan, is the embodiment of America’s old-money elite. Crimson-jacketed waiters serve members who are watched over by oil portraits of elite alumni.

One recent morning, financial advisers representing several dozen of America’s richest dynasties — advisers to the Pritzker and Soros families were listed as attendees — crowded into a drab meeting room on the club’s third floor.

The advisers were there to see Daniel Kowalski, a top aide to Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin and the Trump administration’s point person for the opportunity-zone rules. Mr. Kowalski is barnstorming the country, bouncing from one conference to the next, explaining to real estate investors and developers how to take advantage of the new rules.

Mr. Kowalski was an aide to the Trump campaign, where he worked for the White House policy adviser Stephen Miller. Before that, he was an aide to Jeff Sessions when Mr. Sessions was on the Senate Budget Committee.

[The Trump associates benefiting from a tax break for poor communities.]

At the Harvard Club, he dived into an explanation of how opportunity zones work — and for whom they work. “The audience for opportunity zones is inherently fairly small because it’s limited to capital-gains income, which is why I wanted to come and talk to this group,” he told the room of advisers.

That audience is small indeed: Only 7 percent of Americans report taxable capital gains, and nearly two-thirds of that income was reported by people with a total annual income of $1 million or more, according to I.R.S. data.

Yet this is a vital constituency, since the success of the opportunity-zone program will hinge largely on how much money investors kick in. That is why the Trump administration — and Mr. Kowalski in particular — is promoting the tax break on Wall Street.

“I have served a little bit as a middle man between the business community and the I.R.S.,” he said at another conference a few weeks later.

More than 200 opportunity-zone funds have been established by banks like Goldman Sachs and major real estate companies, including CIM Group of Los Angeles, which has previously been a partner with the Trump and Kushner families on projects. Those funds have said their goal was to raise a total of nearly $57 billion.

The law does not require public disclosure of who are taking advantage of the initiative or how they are deploying their funds. Among those who have invested money or said they intend to are Mr. Kohl, a founder of the department store chain that bears his name; Steve Case, co-founder of AOL; Alexander Bhathal, part owner of the Sacramento Kings basketball team; and Richard Forman, the former owner of the Forman Mills chain of clothing stores, according to interviews and other public statements.

Daniel Kowalski, the Trump administration’s point person for opportunity-zone rules, speaking at a Washington forum about them in June.CreditMelissa Lyttle for The New York Times

Many others are lesser-known business executives who recently sold small companies or real estate and are looking for ways to avoid large tax bills.

Paul DeMoret, for example, recently sold his auto-industry software company in Oregon. He said he was using some of those capital gains to help finance a Courtyard by Marriott in Winston-Salem, N.C., and an apartment building in Tempe, Ariz., among other projects in opportunity zones. He is making the investments through a private equity firm, Virtua Partners.

The tax break is largely benefiting the real estate industry — where Mr. Trump made his fortune and still has extensive business interests — and it is luring people with personal or professional connections to the president.

Mr. Christie, a onetime adviser to Mr. Trump, has raised money for opportunity-zone investments including an apartment building in Hackensack, N.J., and a self-storage center in Connecticut.

Cadre, an investment company co-founded by Mr. Kushner and his brother, Joshua, is raising hundreds of millions of dollars that it hopes to use on opportunity-zone projects. The company is eyeing neighborhoods in Savannah, Ga., Dallas, Los Angeles and Nashville that are expected to grow larger and wealthier in coming years. Jared Kushner has a stake in Cadre worth up to $50 million, according to his most recent financial disclosure.

Mr. LeFrak, a longtime confidant of Mr. Trump’s and a major campaign donor, is building a luxury residential community in the middle of an opportunity zone in Miami. (It is unclear how much of the development’s funding will end up being tax advantaged.)

Not far away in the Design District, Daniel Lebensohn is planning to build his high-end office tower. Mr. Lebensohn previously joined the Trump Organization to sell luxury condominiums at the Trump Hollywood complex north of Miami.

And Mr. Kushner’s family company directly owns or is in the process of buying at least a dozen properties in New York, New Jersey and Florida that are in opportunity zones. They include a pair in Miami, where Kushner Companies plans to build a 393-apartment luxury high rise with sweeping views of Biscayne Bay, according to a company presentation for potential investors.

A representative for the Kushner family confirmed that it was considering opportunity-zone funding for some developments, but said it would probably not use the funding for the Miami projects.

Backers of the opportunity-zone program say luxury projects are the easiest to finance, which is why those have been happening first. Over the long run, they say, those deals will be eclipsed by ones that produce social benefits in low-income areas.

At least some struggling neighborhoods are already starting to receive investments.

In Birmingham, for example, a developer is using opportunity-zone funds to convert a building, vacant for decades, into 140 apartments primarily aimed at the local work force.

“We are seeing projects that are being announced here in Alabama that would not have happened otherwise,” said Alex Flachsbart, founder of Opportunity Alabama, which is trying to steer investors to economically struggling neighborhoods.

Similar projects are getting underway in Erie, Cleveland and Charlottesville, Va. Goldman Sachs is using some of its capital gains — profits on the company’s own investments — in opportunity zones, including $364 million for mixed-income housing developments in Salt Lake City, Baltimore and other cities.

Mr. Case, the AOL co-founder, and Derrick Morgan, a former professional football player, are among those who have announced that they will invest in opportunity-zone projects that are designed to address clear social and economic problems.

As he announced his retirement from the Tennessee Titans in July, Mr. Morgan wrote on Instagram that his goal would be to “create more opportunities for those who are underserved and overlooked” in communities like Coatesville, Pa., where he went to high school.

Emanuel J. Friedman, a hedge fund manager, is using some of his capital gains and money he has raised from others to build 11 warehouses in rural Jasper County, S.C., near the Savannah seaport. The warehouses won’t employ many people, but he said the jobs would offer higher wages than hotel housekeeping positions at the nearby Hilton Head resort, where many area residents now work.

“Of course it will make a difference,” Mr. Friedman said. “It is mind-boggling. It is the best thing I have ever done.”

The developers of the Sole Mia project in North Miami, Fla., urged a local official to nominate the area as an opportunity zone and are now considering ways to take advantage of the status.CreditScott McIntyre for The New York Times

But even supporters of the initiative agree that the bulk of the opportunity-zone money is going to places that do not need the help, while many poorer communities are so far empty-handed.

Some opportunity zones that were classified as low income based on census data from several years ago have since gentrified. Others that remain poor over all have large numbers of wealthy households.

Number of Opportunity Zones by Median Household Income

More than 7 percent of opportunity zones had household incomes above the median census tract in 2017. Investors are focusing on projects in these neighborhoods.

Westlake Legal Group oz-distribution-335 How a Trump Tax Break to Help Poor Communities Became a Windfall for the Rich Trump, Donald J Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (2017) Scaramucci, Anthony Parker, Sean (1979- ) opportunity zones New Orleans (La) Miami (Fla) Lefrak, Richard S Kushner, Jared Kushner Cos Federal Taxes (US) Christie, Christopher J Capital Gains Tax

$54,408

Median

U.S. tract

$77,692

Fishtown,

Philadelphia

$137,147

Long Island City,

Queens

$98,508

Market Square,

Houston

Westlake Legal Group oz-distribution-600 How a Trump Tax Break to Help Poor Communities Became a Windfall for the Rich Trump, Donald J Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (2017) Scaramucci, Anthony Parker, Sean (1979- ) opportunity zones New Orleans (La) Miami (Fla) Lefrak, Richard S Kushner, Jared Kushner Cos Federal Taxes (US) Christie, Christopher J Capital Gains Tax

$54,408

Median

U.S. tract

$77,692

Fishtown,

Philadelphia

$91,397

Gowanus,

Brooklyn

$98,508

Market Square,

Houston

$137,147

Long Island City,

Queens

Westlake Legal Group oz-distribution-900 How a Trump Tax Break to Help Poor Communities Became a Windfall for the Rich Trump, Donald J Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (2017) Scaramucci, Anthony Parker, Sean (1979- ) opportunity zones New Orleans (La) Miami (Fla) Lefrak, Richard S Kushner, Jared Kushner Cos Federal Taxes (US) Christie, Christopher J Capital Gains Tax

$54,408

Median

U.S. tract

$91,397

Gowanus,

Brooklyn

$77,692

Fishtown,

Philadelphia

$98,508

Market Square,

Houston

$137,147

Long Island City,

Queens

Source: American Community Survey

By Blacki Migliozzi and Juliette Love

And nearly 200 of the 8,800 federally designated opportunity zones are adjacent to poor areas but are not themselves considered low income.

Under the law, up to 5 percent of the zones did not need to be poor. The idea was to enable governors to draw opportunity zones in ways that would include projects or businesses just outside poor census tracts, potentially creating jobs for low-income people. In addition, states could designate whole sections of cities or rural areas that would be targeted for investment, including some higher-income census tracts.

In some cases, developers have lobbied state officials to include specific plots of land inside opportunity zones.

In Miami, for example, Mr. LeFrak — who donated nearly $500,000 to Mr. Trump’s campaign and inauguration and is personally close to the president — is working with a Florida partner on a 183-acre project that is set to include 12 residential towers and eight football fields’ worth of retail and commercial space.

In spring 2018, as they planned the so-called Sole Mia project, Mr. LeFrak’s executives encouraged city officials in North Miami to nominate the area around the site as an opportunity zone, according to Larry M. Spring, the city manager. They did so, and the Treasury Department made the designation official.

The Far West Side of Manhattan is part of an opportunity zone — even as high-end towers have been replacing run-down apartment buildings and more than 15 percent of households reported income of $200,000 or more in 2017, according to an analysis by Webster Pacific, a consulting firm. This is the new home of Pershing Square Capital Management, the prominent hedge fund run by the billionaire Bill Ackman.

Mr. Ackman is trying to find tenants for 80,000 square feet of unused office space in his fund’s building, which has a Jaguar dealership on the ground floor. He said he was using its location inside an opportunity zone as a lure.

That is because investors can use their capital gains to invest not only in real estate but also in businesses inside opportunity zones. A company that sets up shop inside Mr. Ackman’s building therefore would be eligible to accept tax-advantaged opportunity-zone money.

One of the Sole Mia partners is Richard LeFrak, who donated nearly $500,000 to President Trump’s campaign and inauguration.CreditScott McIntyre for The New York Times

Financial institutions are not even trying to make it look as if their opportunity-zone investments were intended to benefit needy communities.

CBRE, one of the country’s largest real estate companies, is seeking opportunity-zone funding for an apartment building in Alexandria, Va., which CBRE is pitching to prospective investors as “one of the region’s most affluent locations.”

JPMorgan Chase is raising money to build housing targeting students in College Park, Md., near the University of Maryland. (Because many students do not have jobs, census data often wrongly suggests that college towns are poor neighborhoods.)

In marketing materials, JPMorgan noted that while College Park “qualifies as low income due to the student population, the area around it is affluent.” The bank added, “The tax benefits can be remarkable.”

The Swiss bank UBS is raising funds from its “ultra high net worth” clients — requiring in some cases that they have at least $50 million in investable assets — for developments in New York and Connecticut. The projects include a 23-story retail and office building in Downtown Brooklyn and an upscale apartment building in New Rochelle, N.Y., with a yoga studio and 24-hour valet parking. There is even a spa — for residents’ pets.

Other companies have set up subscription databases showing which zones have the highest incomes and fastest-growing populations to help investors steer their money to the most lucrative and least risky destinations.

“The current system is clearly driving capital to places that are known to be winners,” said Christopher A. Coes, vice president at Smart Growth America, a nonprofit group that encourages investments in American cities.

This street in New Orleans became part of an opportunity zone after a hotel in the Virgin chain had already been planned there.CreditAkasha Rabut for The New York Times

The Warehouse District of New Orleans is one of the city’s trendiest neighborhoods. Some of the area’s hottest restaurants — as well as a new one dishing out shrimp tempura tacos — are here. So are hipster barbershops. Boutique hotels spill well-heeled tourists onto the red brick sidewalks. High-end coffee shops are packed with young people buried in their MacBooks.

And it is getting hotter. The sounds of heavy-duty equipment heaving steel or pouring cement are audible across the neighborhood.

In other words, in a city grappling with acute poverty, this is not a neighborhood that especially needs a generous new tax break to lure luxury lodging. Yet state officials have established an opportunity zone here.

That decision benefited businesses already operating or planned for the district. One of those is a 225-room hotel, part of Richard Branson’s Virgin Hotels chain, whose plans were unveiled a year before Mr. Trump signed the tax law. Its location inside an opportunity zone meant investors could earn greater profits than they otherwise would have, by financing the project with tax-advantaged money.

Changing Incomes in New Orleans

Early opportunity zone development is often happening in neighborhoods where income was already rising, not in struggling areas.

Westlake Legal Group la-map-Artboard_1 How a Trump Tax Break to Help Poor Communities Became a Windfall for the Rich Trump, Donald J Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (2017) Scaramucci, Anthony Parker, Sean (1979- ) opportunity zones New Orleans (La) Miami (Fla) Lefrak, Richard S Kushner, Jared Kushner Cos Federal Taxes (US) Christie, Christopher J Capital Gains Tax

Median household

income 2012-17

Opportunity

zones

French

Quarter

Virgin Hotel

(under construction)

Hoffman Triangle

Warehouse District

NEW ORLEANS

Garden

District

Mississippi River

Westlake Legal Group la-map-Artboard_1_copy How a Trump Tax Break to Help Poor Communities Became a Windfall for the Rich Trump, Donald J Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (2017) Scaramucci, Anthony Parker, Sean (1979- ) opportunity zones New Orleans (La) Miami (Fla) Lefrak, Richard S Kushner, Jared Kushner Cos Federal Taxes (US) Christie, Christopher J Capital Gains Tax

Median household income 2012-17

Opportunity

zones

French

Quarter

Virgin Hotel

Hoffman

Triangle

Warehouse

District

NEW ORLEANS

Mississippi River

Sources: American Community Survey; OpenStreetMap | By Weiyi Cai and Blacki Migliozzi

Those investors include Mr. Scaramucci, who briefly served as White House communications director in 2017 and has claimed credit for helping to create the opportunity-zone plan. “We got to get into this business because this will be transformative to the United States,” he said recently.

Mr. Scaramucci’s investment firm, SkyBridge Capital, has raised more than $50 million in capital gains from outside investors, and most of it is being used to finance the hotel, according to Brett S. Messing, the company’s president. He said the hotel was likely to be the first of numerous opportunity-zone projects financed by SkyBridge.

The Virgin Hotels construction site in New Orleans. Because of the zone, the 225-room hotel can be financed with tax-advantaged money.CreditAkasha Rabut for The New York Times

Less than two miles away is the poorest opportunity zone in Louisiana — and one of the poorest nationwide. The zone includes the Hoffman Triangle neighborhood, where the average household earns less than $15,000 per year. Block after block, streets are lined with dilapidated, narrow homes, many of them boarded up. On a recent afternoon, one of them was serving as a work site for prostitutes.

City officials, including the head of economic development for New Orleans, said they were not aware of any opportunity-zone projects in this neighborhood.

Terrance Ross, a construction worker who has lived in the area for 20 years, is familiar with the building boom underway in the Warehouse District.

“Why is the federal government putting money where money is already accumulating?” he asked, lighting a cigarette and standing across the street from an abandoned house. “This neighborhood just needs some tender loving care.”

Similar scenes are playing out in opportunity zones across the United States: The federal government is subsidizing luxury developments — often within walking distance of economically distressed communities — that were in the works before Mr. Trump was even elected president.

In Houston, construction recently started on the Preston, with 373 “luxury for rent” apartments as well as a “skydeck” and a resort-style swimming pool. The development is being financed by the investors in Cresset, a multibillion-dollar asset management firm, including one of its founders, Avy Stein.

Changing Incomes in Houston

Early opportunity zone investment is coming to Market Square, already a site of high-end developments and major income growth.

Westlake Legal Group houston-map-Artboard_1 How a Trump Tax Break to Help Poor Communities Became a Windfall for the Rich Trump, Donald J Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (2017) Scaramucci, Anthony Parker, Sean (1979- ) opportunity zones New Orleans (La) Miami (Fla) Lefrak, Richard S Kushner, Jared Kushner Cos Federal Taxes (US) Christie, Christopher J Capital Gains Tax

Median household

income 2012-17

Market Square is home to three recent luxury developments.

Greater

Fifth Ward

Downtown

Houston

Fourth Ward

Opportunity zones

South

Central Houston

University

of Houston

Rice

University

Houston

Zoo

Westlake Legal Group houston-map-Artboard_1_copy How a Trump Tax Break to Help Poor Communities Became a Windfall for the Rich Trump, Donald J Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (2017) Scaramucci, Anthony Parker, Sean (1979- ) opportunity zones New Orleans (La) Miami (Fla) Lefrak, Richard S Kushner, Jared Kushner Cos Federal Taxes (US) Christie, Christopher J Capital Gains Tax

Median household income 2012-17

Market Square is home to three recent luxury developments.

Downtown

Houston

Fourth Ward

South

Central Houston

University

of Houston

Houston

Zoo

Opportunity zones

Sources: American Community Survey; OpenStreetMap | By Weiyi Cai and Blacki Migliozzi

And in downtown Portland, Ore., the developers of a 35-story tower with a hotel, condos and office space are hoping to raise up to $150 million in opportunity-zone money to pay for the project. Condos will go for as much as $7.5 million each. The hotel is a Ritz-Carlton.

Exhibits at Mr. Scaramucci’s investment conference in Las Vegas, where opportunity zones were discussed as the next big thing.CreditBridget Bennett for The New York Times

Club music blared from speakers as millionaires and billionaires — and the money managers, lawyers, accountants and other professionals looking to make money off all this wealth — milled around a pool and private cabanas at the Bellagio hotel in Las Vegas.

They were at an annual investment conference to talk about the next big thing. This year, that thing was opportunity zones, which were the focus of five panel discussions.

The Las Vegas event was hosted by Mr. Scaramucci. Among the attendees was Mark Cuban, the billionaire owner of the Dallas Mavericks basketball team. At one point he posed and smiled for a photo with Mr. Scaramucci and his wife.

“OZ are super hot right now,” Mr. Cuban said in an email after the event, adding that he had recently bought a property in an opportunity zone, but had not decided yet if he would use the tax break. “Every major investor I know has been pitched a property or fund within an OZ.”

The feeding frenzy is not confined to rich individuals. Lawyers, accountants, wealth managers and consultants are enjoying a gusher of new work — and raking in fees — helping clients structure deals with the maximum tax savings.

Real estate lawyers like Brad A. Molotsky are billing hundreds of extra hours as they field calls from eager investors. One day in June, Mr. Molotsky juggled clients who wanted to invest in $500 million worth of opportunity-zone projects.

“I am just one guy, and that was from just two meetings,” said Mr. Molotsky, who works in New Jersey for the law firm Duane Morris. He has completed more than 20 opportunity-zone deals, he said, and has dozens more in the pipeline.

The night after Mr. Scaramucci’s pool party, more festivities were underway on the other end of the Las Vegas Strip — part of a separate event also focused on opportunity zones. One party was at the Soviet-themed Red Square restaurant. Inside, an investor handed out postcards with photographs of buildings he wanted to buy in opportunity zones.

At another open-bar soiree, a man in a navy suit and a cowboy hat wandered the crowd, drink in hand. Attached to the top of his hat was a large sign. It beckoned: “Looking for OZ Funds.”

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Trump’s Twitter War on Spelling

It was late May, and the president of the United States could not seem to get off Twitter. The low IQ-ness of Joe Biden. The idiocy of the Democrats. The Wall! The opinions spewed forth like unguided missiles, delighting those who support Donald Trump and dismaying those who do not.

As he followed along from Texas, Bryan A. Garner, the author of “Garner’s Modern English Usage,” could feel his blood pressure steadily rising. But it was a particular phrase in a particular presidential tweet about Senator Mark Warner, Democrat of Virginia — “their is nothing bipartisan about him” — that sent him over the cliff of indignation.

“You mean, ‘There is nothing bipartisan about him,’” Mr. Garner tweeted back, directly addressing the president. “Not ‘their,’ which is the possessive form of ‘they.’ Wouldn’t it be worth $75,000 a year to pay for a Presidential Proofreader so that you’ll have the semblance of literacy?”

At a time when nerves are stretched to the point of snapping and every political issue seems to verge on the apocalyptic — climate change; immigration; gun violence; race relations; what the president said or claimed to say or did not say about China — it might seem needlessly picayune to dwell on the writing style of the occupant of the White House.

But for people who care about the English language and how best to use it, President Trump’s continual flouting of even basic writing conventions is a serious matter indeed. Mr. Trump’s impulsive tweeting and concomitant error rate seem to have grown this year as his frustrations with topics that upset him, from the Mueller report and the House speaker Nancy Pelosi to immigration and 2020, have intensified. Just on Friday, in a bad-tempered Twitter screed about one of his current preoccupations, the Federal Reserve, he wrote that he was “reigning in” bad trading partners.

After he has spent nearly three years in office, Mr. Trump’s critics ask, why does he remain intent not only on making egregious errors, but also on deliberately failing to correct them? Leaving aside its splenetic tone and in-your-face ad hominem attacks, knee-jerk defensiveness and ugly, dog-whistle language, why is so much of the direct communication from the president to the world heaving with bad grammar, bad spelling, bizarre punctuation, muddy diction and inexplicable random capitalization?

“If you care about literacy and the correct and accurate use of language, then this president has got to be driving you crazy, regardless of your political point of view,” Mr. Garner, who says he is apolitical but considers himself a liberal Republican, said in an interview.

The Democrats hope that in 2020 the country will elect a new tweeter in chief, perhaps even one who knows how to spell. But Mr. Trump’s Twitter style has served him well with supporters who applaud his maverick resistance to rules. So far, no other politician has managed to pull off his sui generis mix of pugnacious content and my-way-or-the-highway approach to English composition.

“He is not writing standard English the way you and I would do it, but he’s clearly an effective communicator and it’s clearly working,” said Peter Sokolowski, a lexicographer and the editor at large at Merriam-Webster. “A lack of respect for convention is what his supporters like about him, and his rhetoric does seem to ring true with his persona and his character.”

Mr. Trump is not the first president whose use of language has provoked ridicule and dismay. Former President Bill Clinton claimed there were different ways to define the word “is.”

ImageWestlake Legal Group merlin_159923607_7508137a-cdcf-427e-ac2e-70c8dfa305e1-articleLarge Trump’s Twitter War on Spelling Writing and Writers United States Politics and Government twitter Trump, Donald J Language and Languages Grammar English Language

Dictionaries written by Mr. Garner at his home. “If you care about literacy and the correct and accurate use of language, then this president has got to be driving you crazy, regardless of your political point of view,” Mr. Garner said.CreditCooper Neill for The New York Times

Former Vice President Dan Quayle believed the word “potato” had an “e” at the end and did not seem to care that his home mailbox identified his family as “The Quayle’s.” And former President George W. Bush once declared, with inadvertent accuracy: “Rarely is the question asked: Is our children learning?”

“We’ve always had presidents who commit embarrassing verbal gaffes, like George W. Bush’s ‘misunderestimate,’” said Jonathon Owen, a linguist, editor and writer. His biggest Trump-related irritation, he said, is how the president “uses parentheses to restate or explain things that weren’t unclear,” as in the tweet: “I love the White House, one of the most beautiful buildings (homes) I have ever seen.”

“But what I think bothers me most about Trump’s sloppiness is that it seems so deliberate,” Mr. Owen added, via email.

Indeed, rather than being embarrassed, the president seems to be proud of his mistakes — or even to believe that because he has committed them, they are not mistakes at all. This makes him a poor role model, said the lexicographer and writer Kory Stamper. “After he won the election and his writing style came under scrutiny, people said that once he took office, he would rise to the occasion,” she said. “But you can see that some of the things he does have gotten worse, like the rampant capitalization of weird words.”

A report last year said that members of the president’s staff sometimes deliberately add errors to the tweets they ghostwrite for him, to make them seem authentically presidential. It’s unclear what criteria the White House uses to decide what tweets merit copy-editing interventions. Someone corrected Mr. Trump’s tweet calling Joe Biden “Joe Bidan”; nobody did anything when he used “council” instead of “counsel.” Sometimes the incorrect words sit out there, enshrined forever on Twitter. “Principal” for “principle.” “Covfefe” for whatever.

Peter Sokolowski is a lexicographer and the editor at large at Merriam-Webster.CreditMorgan Rachel Levy for The New York Times Historical editions of Merriam-Webster’s Unabridged Dictionary.CreditMorgan Rachel Levy for The New York Times

Mr. Trump’s language philosophy brings to mind the approach of Humpty Dumpty, the giant bloviating egg in Lewis Carroll’s “Through the Looking-Glass.” When Alice questions his claim that (among other things) “haughty” means “a good knock-down argument” Humpty declares that when he uses a word, “it means just what I choose it to mean — neither more nor less.”

The president, too, appears to feel that he is the master of his prose, not the other way around.

“After having written many best selling books, and somewhat priding myself on my ability to write, it should be noted that the Fake News constantly likes to pour over my tweets looking for a mistake,” he tweeted last year, successfully managing to both dangle a modifier and misspell a four-letter word in the course of a single sentence.

As for his creative capitalization technique, he wrote, “I capitalize certain words only for emphasis, not b/c they should be capitalized!”

That is not the correct way to capitalize, said Mary Norris, the former New Yorker copy editor who wrote “Between You & Me: Confessions of a Comma Queen.” Ms. Norris’s particular Trumpian pet peeve, she said, is how the president has taken one of her favorite devices — the distinguished Homeric epithet, as in “swift-footed Achilles” — and used it to lob insults at his enemies, as in “Crooked Hillary” and “Lyin’ Ted.”

“Trump thinks he can get away with stuff simply because he does it,” she said. “But he’s not king of the language. He’s not king of anything. And who took Humpty Dumpty seriously in the long run? He’s famous, of course, but only for being all cracked.”

Anyone who spends any time in the roiling waters of Twitter knows that many Trump critics are eager to point out the president’s linguistic and other missteps. One of these is Benjamin Dreyer, the copy chief of Random House and the author of the best-selling book “Dreyer’s English: An Utterly Correct Guide to Clarity and Style.”

Mr. Dreyer said that correcting the president’s errors in real time helped him channel some of the anger he feels when he thinks about Mr. Trump’s policies.

“It gives me the chance to make fun of something that I find truly horrifying,” he said. “It’s like releasing a valve on the pressure cooker.”

Beyond the questions that Mr. Trump’s Twitter feed raises about his relationship to matters of writing style, Mr. Sokolowski, the lexicographer at Merriam-Webster, said that there is a larger issue here.

At a time of “self-evident transgressions against truth,” when even facts are up in the air, he said, the president’s approach also draws attention to the importance of individual words and their meanings. George Orwell touched on the point in “Politics and the English Language,” about the relationship between the way people think and the way they speak and write. “If thought corrupts language,” he wrote, “language can also corrupt thought.”

“Bigly” was a word Mr. Trump was noted saying during debates in 2016.CreditMorgan Rachel Levy for The New York Times Hope Hicks, a former spokeswoman for the Trump campaign, said that Mr. Trump had been saying “big league,” not “bigly.”CreditMorgan Rachel Levy for The New York Times

Ms. Stamper said she would like to feel that even a political leader she disagrees with would show some respect for the conventions of the English language.

“Trump seems to flout the rules of everything, so we’d like him at least to have a basic grasp of English composition,” said Ms. Stamper, who said she was particularly pained by the president’s habit of calling the wall “Wall,” as if it were some sort of anthropomorphic fence — or a military acronym, like Norad.

“So just punctuate correctly!” she continued. “Put a period there instead of a comma.”

Some Trump supporters seem to regard his tweets as cryptic puzzles, à la the film “National Treasure” or the book “The Da Vinci Code.”

Mr. Trump himself encouraged that notion when he implied that his 2017 “covfefe” tweet was not a mistake and had some sort of supersecret meaning.

No, said Ms. Stamper.

“If you are the president of the United States, your words have power,” she continued. “Whatever you say will be judged by future generations. It would be nice if we were not judged by ‘covfefe.’”

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