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Westlake Legal Group > Posts tagged "Trump, Donald J" (Page 99)

House Condemns Trump’s Attack on Four Congresswomen as Racist

WASHINGTON — The House voted on Tuesday to condemn as racist President Trump’s attacks against four congresswomen of color, but only after the debate over the president’s language devolved into a bitterly partisan brawl that showcased deep rifts over race, ethnicity and political ideology in the age of Trump.

The measure passed nearly along party lines, 240-187, following one of the most polarizing exchanges on the House floor in recent memory. Only four Republicans and the House’s lone independent, Representative Justin Amash of Michigan, voted with all Democrats to condemn Mr. Trump.

“I know racism when I see it, I know racism when I feel it, and at the highest level of government, there’s no room for racism,” thundered Representative John Lewis, Democrat of Georgia, an icon of the civil rights movement who was nearly beaten to death in Alabama in 1965.

Some Republicans were just as adamant in their defense of Mr. Trump: “What has really happened here is that the president and his supporters have been forced to endure months of allegations of racism,” said Representative Dan Meuser, Republican of Pennsylvania. “This ridiculous slander does a disservice to our nation.”

[Read the text of the resolution.]

Republicans ground the proceedings to a halt shortly before the House was preparing to vote on the nonbinding resolution, which calls Mr. Trump’s tweets and verbal volleys “racist comments that have legitimized increased fear and hatred of new Americans and people of color.” Republicans voted en masse against the measure, which was the Democrats’ response to Mr. Trump’s attacks on Representatives Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York, Ilhan Omar of Minnesota, Ayanna S. Pressley of Massachusetts and Rashida Tlaib of Michigan, who he said should “go back” to their countries, a well-worn racist trope that he has continued to employ in the days since.

“There’s no excuse for any response to those words but a swift and strong, unified condemnation,” Ms. Pelosi said as the House debated the resolution. “Every single member of this institution, Democratic and Republican, should join us in condemning the president’s racist tweets.”

As Republicans rose to protest, Ms. Pelosi turned toward them on the House floor and picked up her speech, her voice rising as she added, “To do anything less would be a shocking rejection of our values and a shameful abdication of our oath of office to protect the American people.”

Representative Doug Collins of Georgia, the top Republican on the Judiciary Committee, made a formal objection to the remarks, charging that they had violated the rules of decorum in the House, which call for lawmakers to avoid impugning the motives of their colleagues or the president. It was a stunning turn for a resolution that was drafted in response to Mr. Trump’s own incendiary language.

ImageWestlake Legal Group merlin_158029704_159d542f-4529-4b92-92c7-04af3259cb9a-articleLarge House Condemns Trump’s Attack on Four Congresswomen as Racist Trump, Donald J tlaib, rashida Race and Ethnicity Omar, Ilhan Ocasio-Cortez, Alexandria Malinowski, Tom Immigration and Emigration discrimination

President Trump held up a sheet of paper showing a photograph of Representative Ilhan Omar, Democrat of Minnesota, during a cabinet meeting on Tuesday at the White House.CreditDoug Mills/The New York Times

Mr. Trump on Tuesday denied that his tweets were racist and implored House Republicans to reject the measure. The president raged on Twitter, calling the House resolution a “con game” as he renewed his harsh criticism of the congresswomen.

“Those Tweets were NOT Racist,” Mr. Trump wrote. “I don’t have a Racist bone in my body! The so-called vote to be taken is a Democrat con game. Republicans should not show ‘weakness’ and fall into their trap.”

Later at the White House, the president did not back away from his original comment, saying of the quartet, “they can leave.”

“They should love our country. They shouldn’t hate our country,” he continued.

The vote on Tuesday evening marked a show of unity for Democrats who had been squabbling for weeks — and a test of Republican principles. But as the debate played out, the scene devolved into a spectacle. Republicans sought to turn the tables and condemn Ms. Pelosi for her remarks about Mr. Trump — which many Democrats had echoed in their own speeches before her — touching off tumult as officials scrambled to review House rules and determine how to proceed.

At one point, Representative Emanuel Cleaver II, Democrat of Missouri, who was presiding in the House when Republicans challenged Ms. Pelosi’s words, banged the gavel, rose from the marble dais, and stormed off the House floor. “We aren’t ever, ever going to pass up, it seems, an opportunity to escalate, and that’s what this is,” Mr. Cleaver said, his voice rising in frustration. “We want to just fight.”

For their part, Republicans took to the floor not to defend the president’s remarks but to condemn Democrats for what they called a breach of decorum for calling Mr. Trump out.

Ultimately, it was left to Representative Steny H. Hoyer, the majority leader, to recite the official ruling that Ms. Pelosi had, in fact, violated a House rule against characterizing an action as “racist.” The move by Republicans to have her words stricken from the record then failed along party lines, and Ms. Pelosi was unrepentant.

“I stand by my statement,” she said as she strode through the Capitol. “I’m proud of the attention being called to it, because what the president said was completely inappropriate.”

The scene underscored the intensity of feeling sparked by Mr. Trump’s latest comments. Republicans spent the day not so much defending the president’s tweets as arguing that Democrats, particularly Ms. Ocasio-Cortez’s “Squad,” were no better.

Senator Mitch McConnell, Republican of Kentucky and the majority leader, said, “The president is not a racist.”CreditErin Schaff/The New York Times

“In those tweets, I see nothing that references anybody’s race — not a thing — I don’t see anyone’s name being referenced in the tweets, but the president’s referring to people, congresswomen, who are anti-American,” said Representative Sean P. Duffy, Republican of Wisconsin. “And lo and behold, everybody in this chamber knows who he’s talking about.”

His comments prompted an angry response from Representative Pramila Jayapal, Democrat of Washington, who sought to register an official objection. She said the use of the word “anti-American” was “completely inappropriate” but was not allowed to formally ask to have the words stricken.

At a closed-door meeting of House Democrats on Tuesday morning, Ms. Pelosi set the stage for the debate, calling the four freshman congresswomen “our sisters,” and saying the insults to which Mr. Trump had subjected them echo hurtful and offensive remarks he makes every day.

“So this is a resolution based in who we are as a people, as well as a recognition of the unacceptability of what his goals were,” Ms. Pelosi told Democrats, according to an aide present for the private meeting who described her remarks on condition of anonymity. “This is, I hope, one where we will get Republican support. If they can’t support condemning the words of the president, well, that’s a message in and of itself.”

A smattering of Republicans have denounced the president’s performance, including Massachusetts Gov. Charlie Baker. Mr. Trump’s comments “were shameful, they were racist,” he told WBUR in Boston, “and they bring a tremendous amount of, sort of, disgrace to public policy and public life and I condemn them all.”

But Republican leaders refrained from criticizing Mr. Trump, at least directly, and top House Republicans were pressing their colleagues to oppose the resolution.

Representative Kevin McCarthy of California, the House Republican leader and a close ally of the president’s, said he would oppose the measure, and when asked whether Mr. Trump’s tweets were racist, replied flatly, “No.”

Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the majority leader, did say that politicians from all ends of the ideological spectrum should dial back their rhetoric, saying, “everybody ought to tone it down,”

but he did not take issue with the president, telling reporters who asked whether his tweets were racist, “The president’s not a racist.”

Video

Westlake Legal Group 15dc-trump-sub-videoSixteenByNine3000 House Condemns Trump’s Attack on Four Congresswomen as Racist Trump, Donald J tlaib, rashida Race and Ethnicity Omar, Ilhan Ocasio-Cortez, Alexandria Malinowski, Tom Immigration and Emigration discrimination

On Monday, hours after President Trump defended his Twitter attacks on Representatives Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Ilhan Omar, Rashida Tlaib and Ayanna S. Pressley, the four Democratic congresswomen of color held a news conference to respond to his remarks.CreditCreditDoug Mills/The New York Times

Earlier, Mr. Trump attempted to shift the focus to what he called “HORRIBLE” things said by the four liberal freshmen congresswomen, who have been among the most outspoken in their party in their criticisms of him, including at a news conference on Monday where they described Mr. Trump as racist, xenophobic, misogynistic and criminal.

“This should be a vote on the filthy language, statements and lies told by the Democrat Congresswomen, who I truly believe, based on their actions, hate our Country,” Mr. Trump wrote.

While some Democrats had pressed for a stronger resolution of censure, House leaders opted instead for a narrower measure based on Mr. Trump’s latest remarks, in an effort to generate a unanimous vote in their party.

During the meeting on Tuesday morning, Representative Jim McGovern, Democrat of Massachusetts and the chairman of the Rules Committee, warned members to take care with their language during the debate, including checking with the official in charge of enforcing floor procedures to make sure their speeches would not violate House rules against making personal references to the president on the floor.

Ms. Pelosi advised Democrats to focus on how Mr. Trump’s “words were racist,” which would keep them in compliance with the rules. Later, after Mr. Collins objected to her speech, Ms. Pelosi shot back that she had cleared them in advance to ensure they were within bounds.

While the vote is symbolic and nonbinding, the debate dramatized the conflict between Democrats and a president who has organized his agenda and his re-election campaign around stoking racial controversy, and casting the group of progressive stars as dangerous extremists to be feared.

Among other things, the resolution declares that the House “believes that immigrants and their descendants have made America stronger,” that “those who take the oath of citizenship are every bit as American as those whose families have lived in the United States for many generations,” and that the House “is committed to keeping America open to those lawfully seeking refuge and asylum from violence and oppression, and those who are willing to work hard to live the American Dream, no matter their race, ethnicity, faith, or country of origin.”

One after another, Republicans rose to reject the criticism of Mr. Trump, arguing that it was Ms. Ocasio-Cortez and her colleagues, who have sometimes used coarse language to describe the president and his policies, who should be rebuked and punished for their words and conduct.

“When we consider the power of this chamber to legislate for the common good, I wonder why my colleagues have become so eager to attack the president they are willing to sacrifice the rules, precedent and the integrity of the people’s house for an unprecedented vote that undercuts its very democratic processes,” Mr. Collins said.

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

Trump’s New Top Labor Official Is Expected to Advance an Anti-Labor Agenda

Congressional Republicans, members of their staffs and conservative activists regularly flew first class to Saipan, an island just north of Guam in the Pacific Ocean. They slept at the beachfront Hyatt Regency, and dined on fresh Japanese cuisine.

The junkets in the late 1990s were organized by Patrick Pizzella. The Northern Mariana Islands, a commonwealth of the United States, had hired him to ensure that Congress did not impose federal minimum wage and immigration laws in a place where some workers earned less than $1 an hour.

Mr. Pizzella, a genial lobbyist and government official who has spent years advocating the interests of businesses, is set to become the top Trump administration official protecting workers’ rights when he takes over as acting labor secretary this week. He will fill the vacancy left when Alex Acosta resigned amid criticism of a plea deal he approved in 2008 with Jeffrey Epstein, the financier who has been accused of sex trafficking.

A longtime free-market evangelist, Mr. Pizzella, 65, has built a four-decade career in the conservative Republican mold, fighting regulation and organized labor.

His appointment is far more consequential than those of the many acting secretaries who have served in President Trump’s patchwork cabinet. The man he succeeds, Mr. Acosta, spent two years battling other White House officials who demanded that he push through a sweeping anti-union agenda and coordinate his actions with the president’s political team.

Mr. Pizzella, who is close to many of the conservatives allied with Mr. Trump’s acting chief of staff, Mick Mulvaney, and on Vice President Mike Pence’s staff, is expected to be a significantly more cooperative partner in those efforts, according to administration and industry officials.

“Pat will be great — he is a movement conservative,” said Marc Short, Mr. Pence’s chief of staff and a friend of Mr. Pizzella’s for two decades. “I think it’s fair to say that while he will be focused on issues of workplace safety, he will also work to ensure that the workplace is not overly burdened with regulations.”

When he filled the lone Republican slot at the Federal Labor Relations Authority during the Obama administration, Mr. Pizzella compared union representatives to the mob-connected bosses from the Marlon Brando film “On the Waterfront.” He cheered a federal-court decision that struck down potential restrictions on investigating unions. As a Labor Department official during President George W. Bush’s administration in 2008, he bemoaned the “staggering costs” of paid work time that government employees used to conduct union business, which is authorized by labor law and union contracts.

Mr. Trump has sent mixed messages about his stance on organized labor. He has courted construction and law enforcement unions while taking a harder line against most government employees. But the conservatives who run his West Wing policy shop are less ambivalent, pushing hard to undermine unions’ ability to bargain collectively, raise dues and exert political power.

Those ambitions suffered when Mr. Trump’s first choice for labor secretary, the fast food executive Andrew Puzder, withdrew his nomination early in 2017 amid controversy over domestic abuse allegations. The administration turned instead to Mr. Acosta, a relatively moderate former prosecutor, who essentially inherited Mr. Pizzella as a deputy secretary already slated to work for Mr. Puzder.

Soon after Mr. Acosta took office, his aides were presented with a detailed to-do list by James Sherk, who coordinates labor policy for the White House’s Domestic Policy Council and joined the administration from the conservative Heritage Foundation.

The list, which was provided to The New York Times by a person who had obtained it from a former Trump administration official, included proposals to weaken collective bargaining rights and protections for workers on federally funded construction projects. The list also included a proposal that would have forced male actors in pornographic films to wear condoms.

Mr. Acosta rejected outright or dragged his feet on many of the plans, including the condom regulation, according to a person close to him and administration officials.

“We’re the Department of Labor, we’re not the Department of Commerce,” the secretary complained privately last year, the person close to him recalled.

Mr. Sherk gained a powerful new ally when Mr. Trump named Mr. Mulvaney acting chief of staff in January. Still, Mr. Acosta insisted that pursuing such a hard-line agenda would alienate the president’s blue-collar union supporters and make it more difficult to garner labor support for a new version of the North American Free Trade Agreement that is awaiting a vote by the Democratic-controlled House, according to a current administration official with direct knowledge of the situation.

Mr. Acosta also resisted efforts to involve the Labor Department in broader political fights. In April, the White House sent Mr. Acosta’s office a request from Kellyanne Conway, a counselor to the president, and other White House officials asking him to write an opinion column saying that a so-called Medicare-for-all proposal by Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont would hurt employers and workers, according to a copy of the request viewed by The Times.

ImageWestlake Legal Group merlin_157767363_9ad5d9aa-f086-4f43-bfdf-b07ce9904ba8-articleLarge Trump’s New Top Labor Official Is Expected to Advance an Anti-Labor Agenda United States Politics and Government Trump, Donald J Pizzella, Patrick Organized Labor Labor Department (US) Labor and Jobs Conservatism (US Politics) Appointments and Executive Changes

Alex Acosta, the secretary of labor, defended a plea deal he reached with Jeffrey Epstein in 2008 during a news conference last week.CreditErik S Lesser/EPA, via Shutterstock

Mr. Acosta refused after his legal advisers determined that the request raised “red flags” related to the Hatch Act, a federal law that prohibits the use of government resources for political activity, according to memos provided by a former administration official.

“It should be expected that the White House and cabinet agencies, including the Department of Labor, would have frequent conversations around potential policy ideas particularly as it relates to the president’s priority of deregulation,” said Judd Deere, a White House spokesman.

White House officials have good reason to expect more cooperation from Mr. Pizzella.

As an undergraduate student at the University of South Carolina, he wrote columns for the school newspaper, including one in 1972 in which he criticized Senator George McGovern, the recently defeated Democratic presidential nominee, for sending his daughter to an upscale suburban school near Washington.

“The hypocrisy continues as McGovern expresses the opinion that he represents the working man,” Mr. Pizzella wrote. “That’s similar to Hitler saying he represented the Jewish people in Germany during the 1930s.”

After college, Mr. Pizzella went on to work for Ronald Reagan in the 1976 Republican primaries, according to a 2001 profile in The New Republic. He subsequently held a series of government appointments, building a formidable list of conservative contacts.

In the mid-1990s, Mr. Pizzella joined the lobbying arm of the law firm Preston Gates, where Jack Abramoff, who was later convicted of defrauding clients, had set up a growing lobbying practice. One of the firm’s biggest clients in the late 1990s was the Northern Mariana Islands, which was exempt from federal minimum wage and immigration laws but could sell products under a “Made in the U.S.A.” label.

Large textile manufacturers set up production on the islands. Migrant workers, typically from China and the Philippines, worked long hours for low pay and lived in squalid, crowded dormitories. A 1997 federal government report concluded that nearly the entire private-sector labor force of the commonwealth consisted of “essentially indentured alien workers.”

The report said that foreign women were often coerced into prostitution, and that those who refused were sometimes raped or tortured.

It was Mr. Pizzella’s job to present a kinder, gentler image of the commonwealth to Republicans in Congress and their staffs, who controlled the House and Senate at the time. Allen Stayman, an Interior Department official involved in investigating conditions on the islands, said Mr. Pizzella “was in charge of showing the Potemkin village.”

One person on a trip to the commonwealth organized by Mr. Pizzella recalled meetings with senior officials of the local government in which the officials discussed their interest in making the commonwealth a laboratory for conservative policies like school vouchers. Mr. Pizzella also showed visitors factories and dormitories that were crowded but clean.

The lobbying efforts were effective. Legislation that would have applied the minimum wage and immigration laws to the commonwealth went nowhere in the House in the 1990s. At his 2017 confirmation hearings to become deputy labor secretary, Mr. Pizzella dismissed the reported abuses as “allegations” and said his job was strictly to lobby against the minimum wage.

Mr. Pizzella joined Mr. Bush’s administration in 2001, serving for nearly eight years as an assistant labor secretary for administration and management, but the Obama era gave him an even higher profile. As conservatives mobilized against Democratic policies, Mr. Pizzella joined the Conservative Action Project, which worked to establish alliances between socially and fiscally conservative organizations.

Mr. Pizzella convened meetings where conservative groups coordinated campaigns against Mr. Obama’s health care, climate change and labor policies, said Tim Phillips, the president of Americans for Prosperity, one such organization.

Among other things, Mr. Pizzella spread the word about bus tours meant to build opposition to the Affordable Care Act. “We would say: ‘Hey, Pat, we’re doing these bus tours in these states on these days. Could you let the rest of the movement know?’” Mr. Phillips recalled. “And they would.”

In 2013, Mr. Pizzella was nominated by the Obama administration to be the only Republican on the three-member Federal Labor Relations Authority, which adjudicates disputes between federal workers and the agencies that employ them.

In several cases, Mr. Pizzella used cutting language to describe employees and identified them by name in his opinions, breaking with the agency’s traditional approach of withholding names. The naming and disparaging of workers risked exposing them to harassment, said Carol Waller Pope, the agency’s chairwoman for most of Mr. Pizzella’s tenure. (The authority typically named only the union bringing the grievance.)

“It could discourage people from using the process to resolve disputes — that was our mission,” Ms. Pope said. “I viewed it as having an effect.”

Real Estate, and Personal Injury Lawyers. Contact us at: https://westlakelegal.com 

House Push to Condemn Trump’s Language as Racist Stirs Brawl

WASHINGTON — A House Democratic effort on Tuesday to formally denounce comments by President Trump devolved into a partisan brawl on the House floor as Republicans tried and failed to stop Speaker Nancy Pelosi from calling the president a racist.

Mr. Trump on Tuesday denied that his tweets suggesting that four minority congresswomen leave the country were racist and implored House Republicans to reject a resolution that condemns his statements as “racist comments that have legitimized increased fear and hatred of new Americans and people of color.”

The president raged on Twitter against the resolution, calling it a “con game.” He renewed his harsh criticism of Representatives Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York, Ilhan Omar of Minnesota, Ayanna S. Pressley of Massachusetts and Rashida Tlaib of Michigan.

“Those Tweets were NOT Racist,” Mr. Trump wrote. “I don’t have a Racist bone in my body! The so-called vote to be taken is a Democrat con game. Republicans should not show ‘weakness’ and fall into their trap.”

But Democrats powered through parliamentary blockades and protests toward a vote on the resolution, scheduled for Tuesday evening, which developed into a show of unity for Democrats and a test of Republican principles.

In a closed-door meeting of House Democrats on Tuesday morning, Speaker Nancy Pelosi of California called the four freshman congresswomen “our sisters,” and said the insults to which Mr. Trump subjected them echo hurtful and offensive remarks he makes every day.

ImageWestlake Legal Group merlin_158029704_159d542f-4529-4b92-92c7-04af3259cb9a-articleLarge House Push to Condemn Trump’s Language as Racist Stirs Brawl Trump, Donald J tlaib, rashida Race and Ethnicity Omar, Ilhan Ocasio-Cortez, Alexandria Malinowski, Tom Immigration and Emigration discrimination

President Trump held up a sheet of paper showing a photograph of Representative Ilhan Omar, Democrat of Minnesota, during a cabinet meeting on Tuesday at the White House.CreditDoug Mills/The New York Times

“So this is a resolution based in who we are as a people, as well as a recognition of the unacceptability of what his goals were,” Ms. Pelosi told Democrats, according to an aide present for the private meeting who described her remarks on condition of anonymity. “This is, I hope, one where we will get Republican support. If they can’t support condemning the words of the president, well, that’s a message in and of itself.”

A smattering of Republicans have denounced the president’s performance, including Massachusetts Gov. Charlie Baker. Mr. Trump’s comments “were shameful, they were racist,” he told WBUR in Boston, “and they bring a tremendous amount of, sort of, disgrace to public policy and public life and I condemn them all.”

But Representative Kevin McCarthy of California, the House Republican leader and a close ally of the president’s, said he would oppose the resolution, and when asked whether Mr. Trump’s tweets were racist, replied flatly, “No.”

Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the majority leader, did say lawmakers from all ends of the political spectrum should tone down their rhetoric, but he added, emphatically, “The president is not a racist.”

Earlier, Mr. Trump attempted to shift the focus to what he called “HORRIBLE” things said by the four liberal freshmen congresswomen, who have been among the most outspoken in their party in their criticisms of him, including at a news conference on Monday where they described Mr. Trump as racist, xenophobic, misogynistic and criminal.

“This should be a vote on the filthy language, statements and lies told by the Democrat Congresswomen, who I truly believe, based on their actions, hate our Country,” Mr. Trump wrote.

His latest broadside against the women comes hours before the House is poised to vote on a resolution that responds directly to his nativist tweets on Sunday telling the lawmakers — all but one of whom was born in the United States — to “go back” to their countries. The measure is a chance for Democrats to go on offense, and put Republicans on the record either rejecting or endorsing what the president said.

Senator Mitch McConnell, Republican of Kentucky and the majority leader, said, “The president is not a racist.”CreditErin Schaff/The New York Times

While some Democrats are pressing for a stronger resolution of censure, House leaders have opted instead for a narrower measure based on Mr. Trump’s latest remarks, in an effort to generate a unanimous vote in their party.

“Let’s focus on these comments that the vast majority of Americans recognize to be divisive and racist, that the vast majority of my Republican colleagues, in their hearts, recognize to be divisive and racist,” said Representative Tom Malinowski, Democrat of New Jersey, the sponsor of the resolution.

“We need to move forward with something that can be unifying, and right now, what we can unite around is that what the president said was wrong, un-American, and dangerous.”

During the meeting on Tuesday, Representative Jim McGovern, Democrat of Massachusetts and the chairman of the Rules Committee, warned members to take care with their language during the debate, including checking with the official in charge of enforcing floor procedures to make sure their speeches would not violate House rules against making personal references to the president on the floor.

Ms. Pelosi advised Democrats to focus on how Mr. Trump’s “words were racist,” which would keep them in compliance with the rules.

While the vote is symbolic and nonbinding, the debate is certain dramatize the conflict between Democrats and a president who has organized his agenda and his re-election campaign around stoking racial controversy, and casting the group of progressive stars as dangerous extremists to be feared.

Among other things, the resolution declares that the House “believes that immigrants and their descendants have made America stronger,” that “those who take the oath of citizenship are every bit as American as those whose families have lived in the United States for many generations,” and that the House “is committed to keeping America open to those lawfully seeking refuge and asylum from violence and oppression, and those who are willing to work hard to live the American Dream, no matter their race, ethnicity, faith, or country of origin.”

Video

Westlake Legal Group 15dc-trump-sub-videoSixteenByNine3000 House Push to Condemn Trump’s Language as Racist Stirs Brawl Trump, Donald J tlaib, rashida Race and Ethnicity Omar, Ilhan Ocasio-Cortez, Alexandria Malinowski, Tom Immigration and Emigration discrimination

On Monday, hours after President Trump defended his Twitter attacks on Representatives Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Ilhan Omar, Rashida Tlaib and Ayanna S. Pressley, the four Democratic congresswomen of color held a news conference to respond to his remarks.CreditCreditDoug Mills/The New York Times

Republican leaders signaled on Tuesday that they would seek to shift the debate from the president’s incendiary remarks to the policies espoused by Ms. Ocasio-Cortez and her colleagues.

“I want to make absolutely clear that our opposition to our socialist colleagues has absolutely nothing to do with their gender, with their religion or with their race,” said Representative Liz Cheney of Wyoming, the No. 3 Republican.

While Mr. Trump’s comments have helped to paper over divisions among Democrats over how aggressively to confront him, the resolution itself prompted more rifts. Representative Steve Cohen, Democrat of Tennessee, introduced a resolution of censure, endorsed by the squad among others, and said it would be “more appropriate” for the House to pass that than the measure scheduled for a vote on Tuesday.

“Censure would put him in the class with Andrew Jackson, which is where he wants to be and we should put him where he wants to be, with a president who was racist, who had slaves and led the Trail of Tears,” Mr. Cohen said.

“We have a different way of doing things,” Mr. Cohen added. “I’m not worried about getting Republicans. I think we ought to do what’s right.”

Democratic leaders deflected questions on Tuesday about the strength of the resolution and sought to shift pressure onto Republicans to reject Mr. Trump’s statements.

“We are hopeful that our colleagues on the other side of the aisle would put country ahead of party, would put decency ahead of Donald Trump,” Representative Hakeem Jeffries of New York, the No. 5 House Democrat, told reporters.

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Trump’s Policies, Not His Heckling, May Force Fed to Cut Rates

Westlake Legal Group 16DC-FED-facebookJumbo Trump’s Policies, Not His Heckling, May Force Fed to Cut Rates United States Politics and Government United States Economy Trump, Donald J International Trade and World Market Interest Rates Inflation (Economics) Federal Reserve System Customs (Tariff) Banking and Financial Institutions

WASHINGTON — President Trump lacks official power to make the Federal Reserve cut interest rates, but he may have found a way to force its hand: stoking economic uncertainty.

The Fed’s chair, Jerome H. Powell, has signaled that he and his colleagues could cut interest rates at their upcoming meeting as inflation remains stubbornly low and risks, including Mr. Trump’s trade war with China, threaten economic growth. Mr. Powell, speaking in Paris on Tuesday, reiterated that the Fed would act as appropriate to sustain the economic expansion.

Mr. Trump continues to keep the Fed — and the world — on policy tenterhooks, saying at the White House on Tuesday that there was a long way to go to reach a trade deal with China and suggesting he could still impose tariffs on more Chinese goods. The president, speaking during a meeting of his cabinet, also took a swipe at the Fed, saying, “We would have done even better had we had a Federal Reserve that didn’t raise interest rates so quickly.”

Mr. Trump said China was under no such pressure from its central bank, noting that President Xi Jinping was “his own Fed.”

“They’re pumping money into their system, and they’re lowering rates very substantially,” he said.

The White House’s assault on the central bank, underway for about a year now, is unlikely to directly influence Fed policy. But by roiling trade tensions, Mr. Trump is continuing to throw uncertainty into a global economy that is already struggling with weakened demand from China and a slowdown in manufacturing.

That, rather than his badgering, could force the Fed’s hand, helping to lock in a rate cut at its meeting on July 30 and 31.

Uncertainties about the economic outlook “have increased, however, particularly regarding trade developments and global growth,” Mr. Powell said in prepared remarks delivered in France, also emphasizing risks including the debt ceiling.

“We are carefully monitoring these developments and assessing their implications for the U.S. economic outlook and inflation, and will act as appropriate to sustain the expansion,” he said.

An interest-rate cut now could seem unusual, because unemployment is at a nearly 50-year low, growth is holding up and the stock market has recently touched record highs. While Mr. Trump regularly celebrates that economic progress, his trade policies could crimp the expansion.

The Trump administration has already placed tariffs on $250 billion of Chinese goods, and is threatening to impose them on another $300 billion of goods — practically all remaining imports from China — if the country does not meet America’s demands. Mr. Trump has also threatened auto tariffs on Europe and Japan, a move that would hit German carmakers particularly hard.

Cutting rates could provide an economic backstop and signal that central bankers are ready and willing to act should geopolitical risks escalate or persist, causing economic data to further sour. Because policy works at a lag, moving early and pre-emptively could offer perks.

“Trade uncertainties have helped to contribute to global growth deceleration,” Robert S. Kaplan, the president of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, said in Washington on Tuesday, noting that many large American companies do business overseas and will suffer as a result. “We are not immune to spillovers from decelerating global growth.”

Mr. Kaplan has not made up his mind over whether a rate cut is needed, though he is “open” to discussing one. He said that if the Fed made a move, it should be “tactical” and “limited.”

Charles L. Evans, the president of the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago, said at a CNBC event on Tuesday that “on the basis of inflation alone, I could feel confident in arguing for a couple of rate cuts before the end of the year.”

The accumulating risks come as inflation is already well below the Fed’s 2 percent goal. The central bank aims for low but steady price gains, which guard against economy-harming deflation and give companies headroom to raise wages.

Fed officials have “raised concerns about a more prolonged shortfall in inflation below our 2 percent target,” Mr. Powell said on Tuesday.

Investors fully expect the Fed to cut rates at their July meeting, based on pricing in federal funds futures markets. The central bank’s pre-meeting quiet period starts Saturday, so their chances to change that perception are increasingly limited.

Mr. Powell also addressed the importance of shoring up trust in central banks at a time when “our audience has become more varied, more attuned to our actions and less trusting of public institutions.”

He said such trends meant that central bankers “must speak to Main Street, as well as Wall Street, in ways we have not in the past, and Main Street is listening and engaged.”

In Washington, his colleague Mr. Kaplan underlined the importance of central bank independence, saying that it allows monetary policymakers to ensure low unemployment and stable prices in the longer term — preventing short-term thinking that sacrifices comfort down the road for stronger growth today.

“A sign of a successful economy has been an independent central bank,” Mr. Kaplan said. “Independence has to be earned: It means you have to be susceptible to transparency, oversight.”

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Trump’s Policies, Not His Heckling, May Force Fed to Cut Rates

Westlake Legal Group 16DC-FED-facebookJumbo Trump’s Policies, Not His Heckling, May Force Fed to Cut Rates United States Politics and Government United States Economy Trump, Donald J International Trade and World Market Interest Rates Inflation (Economics) Federal Reserve System Customs (Tariff) Banking and Financial Institutions

WASHINGTON — President Trump lacks official power to make the Federal Reserve cut interest rates, but he may have found a way to force its hand: stoking economic uncertainty.

The Fed’s chair, Jerome H. Powell, has signaled that he and his colleagues could cut interest rates at their upcoming meeting as inflation remains stubbornly low and risks, including Mr. Trump’s trade war with China, threaten economic growth. Mr. Powell, speaking in Paris on Tuesday, reiterated that the Fed would act as appropriate to sustain the economic expansion.

Mr. Trump continues to keep the Fed — and the world — on policy tenterhooks, saying at the White House on Tuesday that there was a long way to go to reach a trade deal with China and suggesting he could still impose tariffs on more Chinese goods. The president, speaking during a meeting of his cabinet, also took a swipe at the Fed, saying, “We would have done even better had we had a Federal Reserve that didn’t raise interest rates so quickly.”

Mr. Trump said China was under no such pressure from its central bank, noting that President Xi Jinping was “his own Fed.”

“They’re pumping money into their system, and they’re lowering rates very substantially,” he said.

The White House’s assault on the central bank, underway for about a year now, is unlikely to directly influence Fed policy. But by roiling trade tensions, Mr. Trump is continuing to throw uncertainty into a global economy that is already struggling with weakened demand from China and a slowdown in manufacturing.

That, rather than his badgering, could force the Fed’s hand, helping to lock in a rate cut at its meeting on July 30 and 31.

Uncertainties about the economic outlook “have increased, however, particularly regarding trade developments and global growth,” Mr. Powell said in prepared remarks delivered in France, also emphasizing risks including the debt ceiling.

“We are carefully monitoring these developments and assessing their implications for the U.S. economic outlook and inflation, and will act as appropriate to sustain the expansion,” he said.

An interest-rate cut now could seem unusual, because unemployment is at a nearly 50-year low, growth is holding up and the stock market has recently touched record highs. While Mr. Trump regularly celebrates that economic progress, his trade policies could crimp the expansion.

The Trump administration has already placed tariffs on $250 billion of Chinese goods, and is threatening to impose them on another $300 billion of goods — practically all remaining imports from China — if the country does not meet America’s demands. Mr. Trump has also threatened auto tariffs on Europe and Japan, a move that would hit German carmakers particularly hard.

Cutting rates could provide an economic backstop and signal that central bankers are ready and willing to act should geopolitical risks escalate or persist, causing economic data to further sour. Because policy works at a lag, moving early and pre-emptively could offer perks.

“Trade uncertainties have helped to contribute to global growth deceleration,” Robert S. Kaplan, the president of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, said in Washington on Tuesday, noting that many large American companies do business overseas and will suffer as a result. “We are not immune to spillovers from decelerating global growth.”

Mr. Kaplan has not made up his mind over whether a rate cut is needed, though he is “open” to discussing one. He said that if the Fed made a move, it should be “tactical” and “limited.”

Charles L. Evans, the president of the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago, said at a CNBC event on Tuesday that “on the basis of inflation alone, I could feel confident in arguing for a couple of rate cuts before the end of the year.”

The accumulating risks come as inflation is already well below the Fed’s 2 percent goal. The central bank aims for low but steady price gains, which guard against economy-harming deflation and give companies headroom to raise wages.

Fed officials have “raised concerns about a more prolonged shortfall in inflation below our 2 percent target,” Mr. Powell said on Tuesday.

Investors fully expect the Fed to cut rates at their July meeting, based on pricing in federal funds futures markets. The central bank’s pre-meeting quiet period starts Saturday, so their chances to change that perception are increasingly limited.

Mr. Powell also addressed the importance of shoring up trust in central banks at a time when “our audience has become more varied, more attuned to our actions and less trusting of public institutions.”

He said such trends meant that central bankers “must speak to Main Street, as well as Wall Street, in ways we have not in the past, and Main Street is listening and engaged.”

In Washington, his colleague Mr. Kaplan underlined the importance of central bank independence, saying that it allows monetary policymakers to ensure low unemployment and stable prices in the longer term — preventing short-term thinking that sacrifices comfort down the road for stronger growth today.

“A sign of a successful economy has been an independent central bank,” Mr. Kaplan said. “Independence has to be earned: It means you have to be susceptible to transparency, oversight.”

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5% of Congress Was Born Abroad. Those Members Show What It Means to Be American.

WASHINGTON — When President Trump suggested foreign-born Americans should “go back” to the countries they were born in, he may not have realized that his entreaty could clear out five percent of Congress.

In all, 29 members of the House and Senate were born abroad, about half of them to parents serving in the military or working overseas. Republicans like Representatives Mark Meadows of North Carolina, born in an Army hospital in France, and David Rouzer, also of North Carolina and born in an Army hospital in West Germany, mostly stood by the president, who aimed his remarks at four progressive House Democratic women of color, only one of whom was born outside the United States.

“No, I don’t think it’s racist,” Mr. Rouzer said.

But to others, Mr. Trump’s words — which he repeated on Tuesday — hit home in a deeply personal way. Their feelings will be reflected in the resolution the House takes up Tuesday condemning Mr. Trump. Immigrant Democrats will lead the effort on the House floor.

“I first took the oath to support and defend the Constitution when I was 10 years old,” said Representative Tom Malinowski, who was born in Poland and came here when he was six, after his mother met an American journalist. “That’s meant a lot to me all my life.”

Mr. Trump’s “go back” remarks have long been a thread through the fabric of the United States, a nation founded by people who came from somewhere else. In every era, in every generation, and particularly in times of economic anxiety, notions of “the other” have seeped into the American psyche. But no modern president — not even Franklin D. Roosevelt, who ordered the internment of Japanese-Americans during World War II — has made such aggressive use of his platform to whip up a fervor about foreigners.

That is making even some Republicans uncomfortable.

Representative Daniel Crenshaw, a freshman Republican from Texas, expressed unease with Mr. Trump’s comments. The former Navy SEAL was born to American parents in Scotland, where his father worked in the oil industry, and also spent part of his childhood in Ecuador and Colombia.

“I don’t agree with the president’s remarks, but that doesn’t mean I accept the rhetoric we hear repeatedly from this group of lawmakers either,” he said in an emailed statement. “As someone who sacrificed for our country and buried too many friends, I find the constantly negative, anti-American comments concerning and tiresome.”

There are 14 members of Congress — all Democrats, 13 in the House and one in the Senate — who became citizens after emigrating to the United States, either through naturalization or a parent’s citizenship. They come from countries like India, Peru, Mexico, Guatemala, Vietnam and Taiwan.

ImageWestlake Legal Group merlin_152075637_77ee2f96-5862-49a4-a56e-aff20b11507c-articleLarge 5% of Congress Was Born Abroad. Those Members Show What It Means to Be American. United States Politics and Government Trump, Donald J tlaib, rashida Race and Ethnicity Omar, Ilhan Ocasio-Cortez, Alexandria Immigration and Emigration Citizenship and Naturalization

Representative Mark Meadows, Republican of North Carolina, who was born in an Army hospital in France, said President Trump is “not racist.”CreditErin Schaff/The New York Times

Senator Mazie K. Hirono, Democrat of Hawaii, is a naturalized citizen, born in Japan; her mother came to this country fleeing an abusive husband, she said. Representative Jesús “Chuy” García, is a naturalized citizen from Mexico. Representative Adriano Espaillat, Democrat of New York, is a naturalized citizen, born in the Dominican Republic.

“I dream American. I wake up American. I have dinner as an American,” Mr. Espaillat said. “I am a Yankee fan and I love this country. It’s given me a great number of opportunities, including to be a member of Congress. For him to downgrade or even not take into consideration the kind of opportunities that this country gives these folks from all over the world, I think is sad and tragic.”

Far from making them less American, many foreign-born members of Congress said their experiences as children abroad made them far more appreciative of the freedom and opportunity in America than others who have spent little time in countries that lack such gifts.

“I grew up in Latin America at a time when most of the countries were under military dictatorship and soldiers were on corners with machine guns,” said Representative Jim Himes, Democrat of Connecticut, who was born in Peru. “I think having spent the first 10 years of my life in environments like that has given me an unbelievable appreciation for the freedoms and liberties that we have here.” He said Mr. Trump “just shows a fundamental misunderstanding of the United States.”

Some white lawmakers born abroad saw a distinctly racial tinge to Mr. Trump’s singling out of women of color.

“My father got back from the Vietnam War, went to graduate school, and when he and my mom were young newlyweds, got a job outside of Dublin on a cattle feed lot,” said Representative Sean Casten, Democrat of Illinois. “They went over there, lived there for four years, I was born halfway through. No one ever called me an anchor baby.”

One of the 29, Senator Ted Cruz, Republican of Texas, was born in Canada to an American mother and Cuban father, and is thus considered a “natural born citizen” — a status Mr. Trump questioned during the 2016 Republican presidential primaries, when he suggested that Mr. Cruz “could be tied up in court for two years” if he became the party’s nominee.

At the time, Mr. Cruz brushed it off, saying on Twitter that Mr. Trump had “jumped the shark.” On Monday, many of his Republican colleagues were searching for just the right words to describe what Mr. Trump had said; Senator Tim Scott of South Carolina, the Senate’s only black Republican, settled on “racially offensive.”

Mr. Cruz was not searching for words. He was zipping toward the senators-only elevator, head down, to avoid questions about it. “I have a longstanding policy that I don’t comment on tweets,” he said, moments before the elevator doors closed.

Mr. Cruz, of course, was not the first politician to have his citizenship questioned by Mr. Trump. Long before he ran for president, Mr. Trump stoked the so-called birther movement to pressure President Barack Obama to prove that he was actually born in the United States and not in Kenya, the birthplace of his father.

“This is the agenda of white nationalists, whether it is happening in chat rooms, or it is happening on national TV, and now it’s reached the White House garden,” said Representative Ilhan Omar, Democrat of Minnesota, of Mr. Trump’s tweets.CreditAnna Moneymaker/The New York Times

This time, Mr. Trump’s comments were directed at the group of Democratic freshmen known on Capitol Hill as “the Squad”: Representatives Ilhan Omar of Minnesota, Rashida Tlaib of Michigan, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York and Ayanna S. Pressley of Massachusetts. All have been deeply critical of him. On Tuesday, he misleadingly suggested they have extremely low poll numbers — an apparent reference to a recent survey of white voters with two years or less of college education, a key component of the president’s base.

Get a list of the HORRIBLE things they have said,” Mr. Trump shouted on Twitter.

Only one of the four, Ms. Omar, was born overseas; she fled war-torn Somalia with her family and spent four years in a refugee camp in Kenya before coming to the United States with her family when she was 12. In an interview in December, she told of how she fended off bullies in school who stuck gum on her scarf, knocked her down stairs and jumped her when she changed clothes for gym class.

On Monday, Ms. Omar fought back. “He’s launching a blatantly racist attack on four duly elected members of the United States House of Representatives, all of whom are women of color,” she said. “This is the agenda of white nationalists, whether it is happening in chat rooms, or it is happening on national TV, and now it’s reached the White House garden.”

Mr. Meadows, one of the president’s closest allies on Capitol Hill, pushed back, saying the real fight was over the president’s policies on the border, which Ms. Omar and the others vociferously oppose.

“He’s not racist,” Mr. Meadows said. “I probably talk to him more than anybody else, and he’s certainly not a racist.”

Representative Raja Krishnamoorthi, Democrat of Illinois, came to the United States when he was three months old. His father moved to Buffalo to study engineering, and his family lived in public housing and on food stamps before they moved to Peoria, Ill., to start, as Mr. Krishnamoorthi put it, “the golden period in our lives.”

“People lifted you up and embraced you, and that’s America, that will always color my image of America,” he said, reflecting on his childhood. But he said racist heckles and taunts grew more prominent as he became an adult, during road rage situations in traffic and the like.

“I’m an ethnic, religious and a racial minority, and I’m an immigrant,” he said. “When the president says what he says, it hits home in a bigger way.”

Other immigrant lawmakers — at least the Democrats — said Mr. Trump is assailing the very idea of what it means to be an American, among them Representative Raul Ruiz, a doctor and California Democrat who was born in Mexico and is the first Latino to earn three graduate degrees from Harvard University.

“Being American is not defined by color of skin or eyes or hair or any accent,” he said. “Being American is defined by our ideas, by our diversity and by the land that we call home.”

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Facebook Cryptocurrency Plans Have a Problem: Facebook’s Reputation

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Lawmakers made it clear at a Senate Banking Committee hearing on Tuesday that they believe the biggest roadblock to Facebook’s plan to enter the world of cryptocurrency and global finance is the company’s reputation.

Facebook’s cryptocurrency project, Libra, has been in the works for more than a year. It has an ambitious goal: to offer an alternative financial system that makes it possible to send money around the world with few fees.

But almost immediately, the company has run into resistance from Washington.

“Facebook is dangerous,” Senator Sherrod Brown, Democrat of Ohio, said at the hearing. “Facebook has said ‘just trust us.’ And every time Americans trust you, they seem to get burned.”

The initiative is far from the first effort of its kind. The best-known cryptocurrency, Bitcoin, is in wide circulation, and it introduced the idea of digital currencies that are free from government control.

But the Libra effort has put a spotlight on cryptocurrencies and amplified the voices of critics who say the technology has little value beyond speculative investing and illegal transactions, like online drug sales.

When Facebook announced Libra in June, it also faced immediate skepticism from people who are wary of the power the social media company has already accumulated. Within days, regulators in Washington were calling for hearings on Facebook’s plans.

That concern was obvious on Tuesday when members of the committee questioned David Marcus, who leads the company’s cryptocurrency initiative, for more than two hours. Mr. Marcus was asked about a range of Facebook controversies, from lax protection of the private information of its users to Russian disinformation on Facebook’s platforms to claims that is tries to muzzle conservative viewpoints.

“Why in the world should Facebook of all companies do this?” asked Senator Brian Schatz, a Democrat from Hawaii. “Maybe before you do a new thing you should make sure you have your own shop fixed.”

Mr. Marcus, adopting a conciliatory tone, said the company would do its best to fight fraud and to earn back the trust of the more than two billion people who use Facebook’s services regularly.

“We’ve made mistakes in the past,” Mr. Marcus said. “We have been working, and are working hard to get better.”

The Senate session was the first in a day of Capitol Hill hearings involving the technology industry. House lawmakers were set to question multiple tech executives at an afternoon hearing focused on competition issues as part of a broad antitrust inquiry. And Google executives were scheduled to face questions at another hearing on the subject of whether the company censors conservative voices.

Facebook officials will also have to answer more questions about the company’s cryptocurrency plans in a House Financial Services Committee hearing on Wednesday.

Some lawmakers and regulators — most notably at the Securities and Exchange Commission — have been raising concerns about the legality and usefulness of cryptocurrencies for some time.

The involvement of Facebook, which has faced an onslaught of controversy over the last two years and is expected to pay a $5 billion settlement with the Federal Trade Commission, has put a charge into those discussions.

Last week, the chair of the Federal Reserve, Jerome H. Powell, said Libra raised “serious concerns” around “money laundering, consumer protection and financial stability.”

“I just think it cannot go forward without there being broad satisfaction with the way the company has addressed money laundering” and other issues, Mr. Powell said as he testified before the House Financial Services Committee. Central bankers from Britain, China, France, Singapore and the European Central Bank have all voiced similar concerns.

President Trump also criticized Libra and Bitcoin, writing on Twitter last week that the digital tokens were “highly volatile and based on thin air.”

And at a news conference on Monday afternoon, Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin also raised questions about Libra and other cryptocurrencies. Facebook has “a lot of work to do before we get to the point where we’re comfortable with it,” Mr. Mnuchin told reporters.

The issue provides a rare instance when the Trump administration is lining up with Democrats rather than other Republicans. While Democrats on the Senate Banking Committee lashed into Facebook, several Republicans on the committee voiced support for Facebook and its new initiative.

“I just think we should be exploring this and considering the benefits as well as the risks,” said Patrick Toomey, a Republican from Pennsylvania. “To announce in advance that we have to strangle this baby in the crib seems wildly premature.”

But not all Republicans on the committee were so positive.

Martha McSally, a Republican from Arizona, said “I don’t trust you guys.”

And Tom Cotton, a Republican from Arkansas, worried that conservatives would not be treated fairly in the Libra system, echoing a frequent Republican talking point about the liberal bias of tech companies.

Mr. Marcus, a former PayPal executive, was handpicked by Mark Zuckerberg, Facebook’s chief executive, to lead the Libra effort.

Facebook’s role in the project will be run through a subsidiary company called Calibra, led by Mr. Marcus and other top Facebook employees. If the Libra digital token become popular, Calibra could build a business around offering customer financial services, including loans and other actions traditionally offered by the banking industry.

A separate entity called the Libra Association, whose proposed board would include more than a dozen partners in the tech and financial industries, would manage the cryptocurrency system once it is up and running, which Facebook is hoping to do next year.

Mr. Brown asked if there was any amount of opposition that would convince Facebook to scrap Libra.

“Is there anything that elected leaders can say that will convince you and Facebook that it should not launch this currency?” he said.

Mr. Marcus said that the company would not move ahead with the project until the concerns of regulators are answered.

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Trump Rallies G.O.P. to Oppose Resolution Against Racist Language

WASHINGTON — President Trump on Tuesday denied that his tweets suggesting that four minority congresswomen leave the country were racist, imploring House Republicans to reject a resolution set for a vote Tuesday that condemns his statements as “racist comments that have legitimized increased fear and hatred of new Americans and people of color.”

On Monday, Mr. Trump told reporters he was not concerned that his comments about the so-called Squad were being heard as racist and embraced by white nationalists. A day later, the president raged on Twitter against the resolution, calling it a “con game.” He renewed his harsh criticism of Representatives Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York, Ilhan Omar of Minnesota, Ayanna S. Pressley of Massachusetts and Rashida Tlaib of Michigan.

“Those Tweets were NOT Racist,” Mr. Trump wrote. “I don’t have a Racist bone in my body! The so-called vote to be taken is a Democrat con game. Republicans should not show ‘weakness’ and fall into their trap.”

The vote on the resolution, scheduled for Tuesday evening, is developing into a show of unity for Democrats who had been squabbling for weeks — and a test of Republican principles.

In a closed-door meeting of House Democrats on Tuesday morning, Speaker Nancy Pelosi of California called the four freshman congresswomen “our sisters,” and said the insults to which Mr. Trump subjected them echo hurtful and offensive remarks he makes every day.

“So this is a resolution based in who we are as a people, as well as a recognition of the unacceptability of what his goals were,” Ms. Pelosi told Democrats, according to an aide present for the private meeting who described her remarks on condition of anonymity. “This is, I hope, one where we will get Republican support. If they can’t support condemning the words of the president, well, that’s a message in and of itself.”

A smattering of Republicans have denounced the president’s performance, including Massachusetts Gov. Charlie Baker. Mr. Trump’s comments “were shameful, they were racist,” he told WBUR in Boston, “and they bring a tremendous amount of, sort of, disgrace to public policy and public life and I condemn them all.”

But Representative Kevin McCarthy of California, the House Republican leader and a close ally of the president’s, said he would oppose the resolution, and when asked whether Mr. Trump’s tweets were racist, replied flatly, “No.”

That drew an appreciative response from a president who appeared to be searching for validation for his statements.

Earlier, Mr. Trump attempted to shift the focus to what he called “HORRIBLE” things said by the four liberal freshmen congresswomen, who have been among the most outspoken in their party in their criticisms of him, including at a news conference on Monday where they described Mr. Trump as racist, xenophobic, misogynistic and criminal.

“This should be a vote on the filthy language, statements and lies told by the Democrat Congresswomen, who I truly believe, based on their actions, hate our Country,” Mr. Trump wrote.

His latest broadside against the women comes hours before the House is poised to vote on a resolution that responds directly to his nativist tweets on Sunday telling the lawmakers — all but one of whom was born in the United States — to “go back” to their countries. The measure is a chance for Democrats to go on offense, and put Republicans on the record either rejecting or endorsing what the president said.

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On Monday, hours after President Trump defended his Twitter attacks on Representatives Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Ilhan Omar, Rashida Tlaib and Ayanna S. Pressley, the four Democratic congresswomen of color held a news conference to respond to his remarks.CreditCreditDoug Mills/The New York Times

While some Democrats are pressing for a stronger resolution of censure, House leaders have opted instead for a narrower measure based on Mr. Trump’s latest remarks, in an effort to generate a unanimous vote in their party.

“Let’s focus on these comments that the vast majority of Americans recognize to be divisive and racist, that the vast majority of my Republican colleagues, in their hearts, recognize to be divisive and racist,” said Representative Tom Malinowski, Democrat of New Jersey, the sponsor of the resolution.

“We need to move forward with something that can be unifying, and right now, what we can unite around is that what the president said was wrong, un-American, and dangerous.”

During the meeting on Tuesday, Representative Jim McGovern, Democrat of Massachusetts and the chairman of the Rules Committee, warned members to take care with their language during the debate, including checking with the official in charge of enforcing floor procedures to make sure their speeches would not violate House rules against making personal references to the president on the floor.

Ms. Pelosi advised Democrats to focus on how Mr. Trump’s “words were racist,” which would keep them in compliance with the rules.

While the vote is symbolic and nonbinding, the debate is certain dramatize the conflict between Democrats and a president who has organized his agenda and his re-election campaign around stoking racial controversy, and casting the group of progressive stars as dangerous extremists to be feared.

Among other things, the resolution declares that the House “believes that immigrants and their descendants have made America stronger,” that “those who take the oath of citizenship are every bit as American as those whose families have lived in the United States for many generations,” and that the House “is committed to keeping America open to those lawfully seeking refuge and asylum from violence and oppression, and those who are willing to work hard to live the American Dream, no matter their race, ethnicity, faith, or country of origin.”

Republican leaders signaled on Tuesday that they would seek to shift the debate from the president’s incendiary remarks to the policies espoused by Ms. Ocasio-Cortez and her colleagues.

“I want to make absolutely clear that our opposition to our socialist colleagues has absolutely nothing to do with their gender, with their religion or with their race,” said Representative Liz Cheney of Wyoming, the No. 3 Republican.

While Mr. Trump’s comments have helped to paper over divisions among Democrats over how aggressively to confront him, the resolution itself prompted more rifts. Representative Steve Cohen, Democrat of Tennessee, introduced a resolution of censure, endorsed by the squad among others, and said it would be “more appropriate” for the House to pass that than the measure scheduled for a vote on Tuesday.

“Censure would put him in the class with Andrew Jackson, which is where he wants to be and we should put him where he wants to be, with a president who was racist, who had slaves and led the Trail of Tears,” Mr. Cohen said.

“We have a different way of doing things,” Mr. Cohen added. “I’m not worried about getting Republicans. I think we ought to do what’s right.”

Democratic leaders deflected questions on Tuesday about the strength of the resolution and sought to shift pressure onto Republicans to reject Mr. Trump’s statements.

“We are hopeful that our colleagues on the other side of the aisle would put country ahead of party, would put decency ahead of Donald Trump,” Representative Hakeem Jeffries of New York, the No. 5 House Democrat, told reporters.

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The Painful Roots of Trump’s ‘Go Back’ Comment

Westlake Legal Group 15dc-goback-facebookJumbo The Painful Roots of Trump’s ‘Go Back’ Comment Whites United States Politics and Government Trump, Donald J Slavery (Historical) Race and Ethnicity discrimination Blacks American Colonization Society

WASHINGTON — Shelley Jackson was 7 years old the first time she heard it.

In the early 1970s, Ms. Jackson was among a group of 40 black children who were bused from one side of Los Angeles to integrate a majority-white school across town. One day, a playground squabble ended in a white classmate telling her to go back to Africa.

“That day was the first day that I became aware that maybe we weren’t supposed to be there,” Ms. Jackson, who was born in California, said in an interview, “or that wasn’t our place.”

On Sunday, President Trump used a version of a well-worn insult to tell four congresswomen to “go back and help fix the totally broken and crime infested places from which they came. Then come back and show us how it is done.” All but one are American-born, but all are women of color.

The president’s words reflected a love-it-or-leave-it sentiment that experts say has animated a sense of xenophobia since the dawn of the republic.

But fresh examples persist. Along with more than 4,800 other people who wrote to The New York Times to share their own experiences with the phrase in the hours since Mr. Trump wrote it on Twitter, Ms. Jackson said his words served as a cutting reminder for scores of people who had encountered some version of that phrase throughout their lives, usually when they were speaking out in predominantly white spaces.

“It’s like having a cold glass of water thrown in your face,” Ms. Jackson said, adding that she feels Mr. Trump has emboldened a culture where “you get a pass now to just say the things you only thought before.”

Those who study language and rhetoric say the president’s “go back” comments — or, at least, the sentiment behind them — have roots beginning as far back as the 1600s, when dissidents were banished from American colonies for advocating total religious freedom. Later, a set of laws passed in 1798 allowed the deportation of noncitizens who were considered dangerous, were from hostile nations or had criticized the federal government.

Amos Kiewe, who studies rhetoric at Syracuse University, guessed that the president’s tweet was most likely meant to sow divisions in the Democratic Party — and perhaps kick-start another news cycle that reporters would breathlessly follow — but that it had the side effect of surfacing a phrase with a history that is particularly racially divisive.

“There has always been this xenophobia, fear of the other,” Mr. Kiewe said, “the foreigner, the person who looks different. It has hit different minorities for many decades.”

It was there in 1882, when the Chinese Exclusion Act sought to curb the number of Chinese workers and families entering the United States to find day-labor work, from building railroads to doing laundry. And it was there in the 1840s, when anti-Irish and anti-Catholic sentiment in the United States led to the creation of a nativist political party designed to weed out foreign influence.

One of the prime examples of the “go back” sentiment has roots in the American Colonization Society, a white-led organization that sought to send freed slaves back to Africa. Fodei Batty, an assistant professor of political science at Quinnipiac University, wrote in a 2016 Washington Post analysis that some freed slaves went willingly because they were “disillusioned with the prospects of racial equality in America,” while others who wanted to stay argued that the effort to resettle slaves was a thinly veiled way to purge the United States of black people.

Descendants of those who stayed, Mr. Batty said in an interview, are now familiar with the sort of knee-jerk “go back” slur meant to immediately single out someone from a group where one trait — usually whiteness — is the default.

“You’re making this claim only to adopt a sense of place,” Mr. Batty said, “to put someone in a sense of place and give a sense of the other, that someone is different, without even having an understanding of the implications of those words.”

For African-Americans, the idea of returning to Africa, originally advocated by some whites as a better alternative than servitude, now persists as an angry slur. Outside a Trump rally in Cleveland in 2016, a man was filmed shouting “go back to Africa” at a black woman who was there to protest Mr. Trump.

“Y’all brought us here,” the woman retorted.

From the 4,800 responses The Times received, a common theme seemed to be encountering the slur when speaking up in white spaces, with the targets not limited to African-Americans. Samantha Edwards, a 47-year-old administrative assistant who grew up in Las Vegas, also wrote to The Times to share her story.

In the mid-1990s, she said she and her mother were chased out of a restaurant by two white men who screamed at them to “go back to Mexico.” She said she and her mother had been speaking together in English before the men chased them. Ms. Edwards, who was born in the United States but is of Mexican descent, said her parents avoided teaching her Spanish so she could avoid some of the discrimination they felt.

“It’s frustrating to have a leader of your own country talking like that,” Ms. Edwards said, referring to Mr. Trump. “He’s supposed to represent all of us and he’s not.”

Alanna Daniels, a 33-year-old business analyst from Waco, Tex., said that she often heard different variations of the taunt as a child, depending on which country people thought she was from. Ms. Daniels, who is mixed-race American with a white mother and a black father, said Mr. Trump’s tweet reflected back a version of a “kindergarten, exasperated” insult she has heard throughout her life.

She highlighted the irony that a president who has spent much of his campaign and presidency criticizing his country, often referring to it as a “laughingstock,” is turning that argument back on four congresswomen who have criticized it for other reasons.

“It was almost him saying that ‘this discourse is not for you,’” Ms. Daniels said. “It was almost saying ‘this isn’t yours, you have no skin in the game — literally.’”

On Monday, speaking at a Made in America event showcasing American-made sandals, hot sauce and motorcycles at the White House, Mr. Trump defended himself against assertions that what he said was racist, and that white nationalists were finding common ground with him.

“It doesn’t concern me because many people agree with me,” Mr. Trump said. “All I’m saying is that if they want to leave they can leave. It doesn’t say leave forever.”

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A Blaring Message in Republicans’ Muted Criticism: It’s Trump’s Party

WASHINGTON — The lack of widespread Republican condemnation of President Trump for his comments about four Democratic congresswomen of color illustrated both the tightening stranglehold Mr. Trump has on his party and the belief of many Republicans that an attack on progressivism should in fact be a central element of the 2020 campaign.

While a smattering of Republicans chastised Mr. Trump on Monday, most party leaders in the House and Senate and much of the rank-and-file remained quiet about the president’s weekend tweets directing dissenters to “go back” where they came from. He followed up on those comments on Monday with harsh language directed at “people who hate America” — an inflammatory accusation to be leveled against elected members of the House.

With Mr. Trump far more popular with Republican voters than incumbent Republican members of Congress, most are loath to cross the president and risk reprisals. The case of Representative Justin Amash, the Michigan lawmaker who was forced to leave the party after he dared to suggest Mr. Trump should be impeached, serves as a cautionary tale.

At the same time, many Republicans find what they are attempting to label as the “far left” stances of the four congresswomen who were the targets of Mr. Trump’s tirade to be the potential foundation of a sweeping critique of Democrats in 2020. In an appearance on Fox News, Senator Lindsey Graham, Republican of South Carolina, called the four “a bunch of communists,” a step beyond the president, who said he was at the moment only willing to go so far as calling them “socialists.”

Both the willingness of Republicans to attach extremist labels to Democrats and the Democratic assault against Mr. Trump as a racist and white supremacist presage a particularly bitter 2020 campaign.

Even those lawmakers who took Mr. Trump to task were careful to underscore their differences with the political and policy views of the House Democrats at the center of the storm — Representatives Rashida Tlaib of Michigan, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York, Ayanna S. Pressley of Massachusetts and Ilhan Omar of Minnesota.

Senator Mitt Romney of Utah, one of the few Republicans who has criticized Mr. Trump since he became president, told a Boston TV station that while the president might have gone too far, “I certainly feel that a number of these new members of Congress have views that are not consistent with my experience and not consistent with building a strong America.”

“I couldn’t disagree more with these congresswomen’s views on immigration, socialism, national security and virtually every policy issue,” said Senator Patrick J. Toomey, Republican of Pennsylvania. “But they are entitled to their opinions, however misguided they may be.”

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Despite occasional rifts, Republicans have mostly tried to sidestep Mr. Trump’s nearly daily Twitter battles.CreditErin Schaff/The New York Times

Senator Thom Tillis, a North Carolina Republican who faces a potentially difficult re-election campaign next year, sought to dodge the debate over the president’s comments and focus on the differences between the parties. “The reality is I want to shift back to the issues and the America they represent versus the America that I want to see,” Mr. Tillis told reporters.

The rapid approach of the 2020 campaign has drawn Mr. Trump and Republicans on Capitol Hill closer as the lawmakers see their fate inextricably linked to the president, diminishing any possibility that they would break from Mr. Trump.

And the spotlight put on the Democratic presidential candidates and the advocacy by some of them for eliminating private health insurance in favor of a government program, sweeping revisions in the tax code and the institution of liberal immigration policies have galvanized Republicans.

They see Mr. Trump, as outrageous and unpredictable as he might be, as far preferable to any of the Democrats.

“I’m not going to vote for a socialist,” said Senator Cory Gardner of Colorado, perhaps the most endangered Republican in the Senate, who has made clear he is firmly allied with the president.

Republicans may cringe at some of Mr. Trump’s crude comments and insults. They may wince at his easily unmasked falsehoods. They may roll their eyes at his lack of understanding of government fundamentals. To many, his personality itself is off-putting. But he is now their guy.

Despite occasional rifts, Republicans have in the main tried to ignore Mr. Trump’s nearly daily Twitter battles.

Senator Mitch McConnell, the Kentucky Republican and majority leader, routinely refuses to engage when pressed about remarks by Mr. Trump that have electrified social media. Other Republicans say they do not see it as their job to be political pundits or to join with the news media and Democrats in castigating Mr. Trump. They also believe that, in most cases, the firestorm lasts only so long and will be quickly followed by the next iteration, making it pointless to get caught up in the repeating cycle.

Over the course of the administration, most Republicans have grown accustomed to Mr. Trump’s fiery outbursts and practiced in how to avoid commenting on them. They find the president, a man who wields his cellphone like a weapon, to be almost always accessible, cajoling and complimenting lawmakers who appreciate the attention.

“My personal recipe for a productive relationship with the president is to work with him in public all I can,” said Senator John Cornyn, Republican of Texas.CreditGabriella Demczuk for The New York Times

They have also gained experience in how to diplomatically push back against the president and challenge his views when they differ — though usually in private to avoid inciting his ire.

“My personal recipe for a productive relationship with the president is to work with him in public all I can,” said Senator John Cornyn, Republican of Texas. “When we have disagreements, as we’ve had on tariffs and things like that, we talk in private, try not to embarrass him or ourselves. I’ve found that’s a good way to handle it.”

Recognizing this pattern, Senator Chuck Schumer of New York, the minority leader, accused Senate Republicans on Monday of cowardice. “It’s become frighteningly common for many of my Republican colleagues to let these moments sail by without saying even a word,” Mr. Schumer said. “Republican leadership — especially — rarely criticizes the president directly even in a situation like this that so clearly merits it.”

Jeff Flake, the former Arizona Republican senator whose feud with Mr. Trump helped end his congressional career, said he sympathized with the desire of his former colleagues not to address every comment made by Mr. Trump. “But there are times when the president’s comments are so vile and offensive that it is incumbent on Republicans to respond and condemn,” he said on Twitter. “This is one of those times.”

Those hoping for a wide rupture between the president and the more conventional Republican politicians on Capitol Hill say they have finally come to terms with the reality that no break is in the offing with the economy prospering, the election looming and the Trump administration so far avoiding a cataclysmic foreign policy blunder.

“They have made their bed and are trying to sleep in it and hope they don’t have nightmares,” said William Kristol, the conservative Trump critic. “They don’t feel like they are paying a huge price.”

Mr. Kristol said he once believed that the combination of the 2018 election results, the extended government shutdown and the departure of Defense Secretary Jim Mattis — a source of comfort for Republicans who feared Trump would do something rash with the military — might give congressional Republicans pause. But any deep distress that existed seems to have dissipated.

“I am more pessimistic about the notion that the Republican Party will throw off Trump than I was a year ago,” he said.

Instead, Republicans worry that, even at a moment when the president is stirring division, a perceived slight or unwarranted criticism could lead Mr. Trump to throw them off, an outcome that could be ruinous to their political careers.

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